Does it matter when we want to Be alone? Exploring developmental timing effects in the implications of unsociability

The social withdrawal and social anxiety feedback loop and the role of peer victimization and acceptance in the pathways

Social withdrawal and social anxiety are believed to have a bidirectional influence on one another, but it is unknown if their relationship is bidirectional, especially within person, and if peer experiences influence this relationship. We investigated temporal sequencing and the strength of effects between social withdrawal and social anxiety, and the roles of peer victimization and acceptance in the pathways. Participants were 2,772 adolescents from the population-based and clinically referred cohorts of the Tracking Adolescents' Individual Lives Survey. Self- and parent-reported withdrawal, and self-reported social anxiety, peer victimization, and perceived peer acceptance were assessed at 11, 13, and 16 years. Random-intercept cross-lagged panel models were used to investigate within-person associations between these variables. There was no feedback loop between withdrawal and social anxiety. Social withdrawal did not predict social anxiety at any age. Social anxiety at 11 years predicted increased self-reported withdrawal at 13 years. Negative peer experiences predicted increased self- and parent-reported withdrawal at 13 years and increased parent-reported withdrawal at 16 years. In turn, self-reported withdrawal at 13 years predicted negative peer experiences at 16 years. In conclusion, adolescents became more withdrawn when they became more socially anxious or experienced greater peer problems, and increasing withdrawal predicted greater victimization and lower acceptance.

Social Withdrawal and Aloneliness in Adolescence: Examining the Implications of Too Much and Not Enough Solitude

Adolescence is a developmental period when spending time alone becomes particularly important. The aim of this study was to explore adolescents' experiences of solitude, with a focus on the implications of both spending too much time alone-as well as not enough time alone. Participants were N = 869 adolescents (15-19 years of age, M = 16.14, SD = 0.50), who completed a series of self report measures assessing time spent alone, activities while alone, social motivations (shyness, sociability), affect, and the recently introduced construct of aloneliness (i.e., negative feeling that arise from the perception that one is not getting enough time in solitude). Among the results, person-oriented analyses provided evidence of distinct subgroups of socially withdrawn adolescents (e.g., shy-withdrawn, unsociable, socially avoidant) as well as an alonely group (high aloneliness, low time alone). There was also preliminary support for the notion that solitary activity activities that are intrinsically motivated may be particularly effective at satisfying the need for solitude (and thereby reducing feelings of aloneliness). Taken together, these results highlight the importance of considering the implications of getting both too much-as well as not enough solitude for adolescents' well-being.

Leaving the Loners Alone: Dispositional Preference for Solitude Evokes Ostracism

What are the interpersonal consequences of seeking solitude? Leading theories in developmental research have proposed that having a general preference for solitude may incur significant interpersonal costs, but empirical studies are still lacking. In five studies (total N = 1,823), we tested whether target individuals with a higher preference for solitude were at greater risk for ostracism, a common, yet extremely negative, experience. In studies using self-reported experiences (Study 1) and perceptions of others’ experiences (Study 2), individuals with a stronger preference for solitude were more likely to experience ostracism. Moreover, participants were more willing to ostracize targets with a high (vs. low) preference for solitude (Studies 3 and 4). Why do people ostracize solitude-seeking individuals? Participants assumed that interacting with these individuals would be aversive for themselves and the targets (Study 5; preregistered). Together, these studies suggest that seeking time alone has important (and potentially harmful) interpersonal consequences.

A Longitudinal Person-Centered Examination of Affinity for Aloneness Among Children and Adolescents

Affinity for aloneness among youth often is viewed negatively. However, some youth may enjoy solitude for positive reasons, rather than because of social anxiety. The prevalence and adjustment over time of youth with high affinity for aloneness is unclear. Groups of children (N = 605, M_age  = 9.29) and adolescents (N = 596, M_age  = 12.20) were identified using affinity for aloneness and social anxiety scores, and group differences in adjustment were assessed. Latent class analyses revealed four groups at T1 and T2 for both samples. Among these were Normative (Low.affinity_for_aloneness-Low.social_anxiety) and Affinity for Aloneness (High.affinity_for_aloneness-LowMod.social_anxiety) groups. These groups did not differ longitudinally in adjustment. Having elevated levels of affinity for aloneness without high social anxiety is relatively benign.

Motivation matters: Development and validation of the Motivation for Solitude Scale - Short Form (MSS-SF)

INTRODUCTION

Motivation is an overlooked but crucial factor in determining whether solitude is psychologically beneficial or risky. This paper describes the development and validation of the Motivation for Solitude Scale - Short-Form (MSS-SF), a measure grounded in Self-Determination Theory that differentiates between intrinsic versus extrinsic motivations for solitude.

METHODS

Emerging adult (N = 803) and adolescent (N = 176) participants were recruited in four successive samples from the United States for the purposes of scale development and validation. Participants completed an on-line survey that included the MSS-SF and various well-being and personality measures.

RESULTS & CONCLUSIONS

Confirmatory Factor Analyses resulted in a two-factor solution, selfdetermined solitude (SDS) and not self-determined solitude (NSDS), and showed the MSS-SF to be reliable with adolescents and emerging adults, with satisfactory convergent and discriminant validity. Engaging in solitude for extrinsic, not self-determined reasons was associated with loneliness, social anxiety, and depressive symptomatology; in contrast, solitude chosen for intrinsic, self-determined reasons was positively correlated with well-being, for emerging adults in particular. The MSS-SF goes beyond preference for solitude to distinguish two distinctly different motivations for solitude, and in so doing, allows researchers to better understand the affordances and risks of being alone for adolescents and emerging adults.