Development of a support for Black Lives Matter measure among racially-ethnically diverse college students

Translating critical reflection into collective action: The mediating role of Asian American racial identity ideological values

Throughout U.S. history, Asian Americans engaged in various forms of collective action to challenge systems of oppression. Despite this, few studies challenge the stereotype that Asian Americans are apolitical and uninterested in collective action and focus on psychological correlates of Asian Americans' collective action. Collective action may be motivated by critical reflection on racism and inequality, which may induce shifts in racial identity ideological values that lead Asian Americans to align with minoritized groups. The current study examines whether Asian American racial identity ideological values-specifically, Asian American Unity, Interracial Solidarity, and Transnational Critical Consciousness-help explain why critical reflection is linked to collective action among Asian Americans. Multiple mediation analyses suggested that, among Asian American college students in the Southwest United States (N = 272), beliefs about Interracial Solidarity and Asian American Unity mediated the relationship between critical reflection (i.e., Critical Reflection on Racism and Perceived Inequality) and collective action (i.e., Support for Black Lives Matter and Sociopolitical Participation). Transnational Critical Consciousness did not mediate the relationship between critical reflection and collective action. This study highlights how Asian American unity and interracial solidarity beliefs underlie Asian Americans' critical reflection and collective action.

Validation of the Black Community Activism Orientation Scale with racially and ethnically diverse college students

This study fills a methodological gap in racial justice research by assessing the utility and validity of the Black Community Activism Orientation Scale (BCAOS) in a racially and ethnically diverse sample of college-going young adults (N = 624, M = 19.4 years, SD = 1.89) from 10 colleges in the United States. Confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to estimate the goodness of fit of the proposed three-factor model and assess the validity of the BCAOS. Findings from the confirmatory factor analysis provide statistical support for use of the BCAOS as a measure of racial justice activism in support of Black communities among racially and ethnically diverse college-going young adults. Findings from the study also suggest that White college students and men are less oriented toward racial justice activism than women and racially marginalized students. Convergent and discriminant validity were established through bivariate correlations of the BCAOS factors with other civic development measures. As more and more young people consider the importance of standing against racial oppression, the BCAOS has utility as an assessment instrument in future racial justice research, education, intervention, and youth programming efforts.

The closing survival gap after liver transplantation for hepatocellular carcinoma in the United States

BACKGROUND

Socio-economic inequalities among different racial/ethnic groups have increased in many high-income countries. It is unclear, however, whether increasing socio-economic inequalities are associated with increasing differences in survival in liver transplant (LT) recipients.

METHODS

Adults undergoing first time LT for hepatocellular carcinoma (HCC) between 2002 and 2017 recorded in the Scientific Registry of Transplant Recipients (SRTR) were included and grouped into three cohorts. Patient survival and graft survival stratified by race/ethnicity were compared among the cohorts using unadjusted and adjusted analyses.

RESULTS

White/Caucasians comprised the largest group (n=9,006, 64.9%), followed by Hispanic/Latinos (n=2,018, 14.5%), Black/African Americans (n=1,379, 9.9%), Asians (n=1,265, 9.1%) and other ethnic/racial groups (n=188, 1.3%). Compared to Cohort I (2002-2007), the 5-year survival of Cohort III (2012-2017) increased by 18% for Black/African Americans, by 13% for Whites/Caucasians, by 10% for Hispanic/Latinos, by 9% for patients of other racial/ethnic groups and by 8% for Asians (All P values<0.05). Despite Black/African Americans experienced the highest survival improvement, their overall outcomes remained significantly lower than other ethnic∕racial groups (adjusted HR for death=1.20; 95%CI 1.05-1.36; P=0.005; adjusted HR for graft loss=1.21; 95%CI 1.08-1.37; P=0.002).

CONCLUSION

The survival gap between Black/African Americans and other ethnic/racial groups undergoing LT for HCC has significantly decreased over time. However, Black/African Americans continue to have the lowest survival among all racial/ethnic groups.

Showing Up: A Theoretical Model of Anti-Racist Identity and Action for Latinx Youth

Historical and contemporary political events underscore that Latinx people do not necessarily view race and racism in the United States through a shared lens with other Latinx people and other communities of color. Thus, it is critical to understand how Latinx youth develop attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors that challenge white supremacy-or anti-racist identities and behaviors-that actively disrupt racial oppression communities of color face as well as their own communities. In this paper, we review theoretical mechanisms by which Latinx youth may develop anti-racist identities and actions on behalf of their own ethnic/racial communities and other communities oppressed by white supremacy. We conclude by offering suggestions for how institutions may support Latinx youth's anti-racist identities and actions.

Sexual Identities and Reactions to Black Lives Matter

INTRODUCTION

This study traced sexuality differences in Black Lives Matter (BLM) approval before using theories of "political distinctiveness" to explain why sexuality differences occurred.

METHODS

A random sample of 3489 US adults completed the 2016 wave of the American National Election Survey (ANES) Time Series project. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions assessed differences in BLM support by reported sexual identity when adjusting for possibly relevant covariates.

RESULTS

Lesbians, gays, and bisexuals (LGB) backed BLM more than heterosexuals. Increased LGB support of BLM was driven by sexuality differences in racial backgrounds, marital statuses, perceptions of police biases, approval of Black empowerment, authoritarianism, and emotional bonds to people of color.

CONCLUSIONS

Sexual identities shape reactions to antiracist social movements. LGB alignment with BLM is partly due to sexual discrepancies in demographic qualities, group memberships, and the way sexual identities alter an awareness of social biases.

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

Greater LGB liberalism, plus the queer friendly nature of BLM, offers greater prospects in the creation and maintenance of intersectional social justice movements that seek to improve the lives of racial and sexual minorities.