The Myth of the Stupid Believer: The Negative Religiousness-IQ Nexus is Not on General Intelligence (g) and is Likely a Product of the Relations Between IQ and Autism Spectrum Traits

The Intersection of Faith and Neurodiversity: Unraveling Religiosity in Autistic Adolescents-A Critical Review Analysis

This literature review aims to explore religiosity, faith, and related beliefs in autistic adolescents. The term religiosity was used interchangeably with various related concepts such as faith, spirituality, and religious beliefs, and a broader, multifaceted approach encompassing the cognitive, subjective, social, cultural, and emotional domains of religiosity is analyzed in this population subgroup. In alignment with the neurodiversity paradigm, this review endeavors to adopt an inclusive lens toward autism spectrum conditions, appreciating the spectrum of cognitive and behavioral differences and highlighting the importance of recognizing strengths and challenges alike, reflecting the nuanced discourse surrounding neurodiversity and autism spectrum conditions. However, terms such as "high-functioning autism" and "disorder" were used where needed to reflect the journals included in the review. A systematic search was conducted by accessing academic search engines such as APA PsycInfo, APA PsycArticles, APA PsycTests, and PubMed. Only peer-reviewed articles written in English and performed on human subjects were included using strict inclusion and exclusion criteria. Several recurring themes were identified from the 13 articles selected after review for relevance and quality. The most important finding was the association of different terminologies and features while exploring "religiosity in autism." Thirty-nine key themes were identified, which were grouped into six major themes. These were religious faith, spirituality, and its expression in autistic adolescents; religious behaviors and practices of autistic adolescents; cognition and religion in autistic teens; social and cultural influences on religiosity in autistic young ones; parents' and carers' influence, perspectives, and experiences about faith and spirituality on autistic adolescents; and perceived benefits of faith to autistic teens: parents and adolescent perspectives. Looking at the concept of religiosity and spirituality as a whole, it can be inferred from the available research included in this review that religiosity (cognitive abilities, behaviors, and experiences) in a subset of autistic adolescents (high-functioning autism) might not be significantly subdued as compared to neurotypical adolescents. However, there is not enough research to conclude the same or the opposite for autistic adolescents in general. When found, reserved religiosity could be attributed to a plethora of factors, and decreased mental ability or mentalization, empathy, or imagination did not seem to be the sole or primary predictors or contributors to religiosity. The role of culture, parents, carers, and religious affiliations was significant and might be a stronger contributor to religiosity and its expression than other previously argued predictors like mentalization. Many autistic teens and their carers regard religiosity and spirituality as essential domains in their and their children's lives, want their children to be given opportunities to be a part of religious groups and affiliations, and look forward to government, religious, and healthcare authorities actively supporting them in this domain. The findings call for policymakers, religious leaders, and stakeholders to devise strategies for inclusion and support for autistic adolescents. The possible role of religion as a resource and coping strategy for these children and their families is worth exploring.

Autism and Religion

The disease burden of autism spectrum disorder (ASD) is a definitive public health challenge. The quality of life of children with ASD depends on how the cultural environment fits their special needs, including religious and spiritual factors. Does ASD predict low religiosity, and if not, what is the significance for clinical care? To answer this question, we reviewed the literature on the cognitive models of ASD and religious beliefs. We found that the cognitive models of ASD and religious beliefs substantially overlap, which is particularly important from a developmental psychological perspective. These models include Theory of Mind and intentionality, the "broken mirror" hypothesis, central coherence, and the intense world theory. We dispute the assumption that individuals with ASD are inherently less religious and spiritual than the neurotypical population. Religiosity is possibly expressed differently in ASD with unique spiritual experiences and beliefs ("gifted, visionary, and truth-seeker"). In some circumstances, a religious background can be helpful for both children with ASD and their caregivers. These circumstances should not be neglected, and clinicians are encouraged to consider patients' religious context, resources, and needs.

The Relationship Between Religiousness/Spirituality and Psychometric Intelligence in the United States

An inverse relationship between religiousness/spirituality (R/S) and psychometric intelligence (IQ) is well-documented in previous literature. However, the studies that have examined group differences on IQ regarding R/S have limited generalizability. The present study contributed to the literature by evaluating IQ among participants identifying as differentially religious/spiritual (i.e., religious only, spiritual only, both religious and spiritual, or neither religious nor spiritual) and among those classified as either Christian/Catholic, Atheist, or Agnostic. Four hundred and thirty-two participants (M age = 37.9; 36% men) participated online via Amazon's Mechanical Turk as part of a larger study and completed a brief measure of IQ, a scale of religiousness and spirituality, and a demographics questionnaire. Correlations between IQ and self-reported religiousness/spirituality were small and negative (Mean r = -0.17), consistent with previous literature. Multivariate analyses of covariance (MANCOVAs) controlling for age, gender, education, and socioeconomic status (operationalized by estimated annual household income) indicated that IQ scores tended to be lowest (p < 0.001) for "religious only" participants (estimated marginal mean [EMM] = 93.0) and highest for "neither religious nor spiritual" participants (EMM = 103.7). Furthermore, IQ scores were significantly lower (ps < 0.001) for Christian/Catholic participants (EMM = 96.7) compared to both Atheist (EMM = 104.9) and Agnostic participants (EMM = 107.5). Discussion of these findings, relationships to previous theoretical and empirical work, limitations of the present study, and directions for future inquiry are provided.

The Negative Religiousness-IQ Nexus is a Jensen Effect on Individual-Level Data: A Refutation of Dutton et al.'s 'The Myth of the Stupid Believer'

A recent study by Dutton et al. (J Relig Health 59:1567-1579. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10943-019-00926-3 , 2020) found that the religiousness-IQ nexus is not on g when comparing different groups with various degrees of religiosity and the non-religious. It suggested, accordingly, that the nexus related to the relationship between specialized analytic abilities on the IQ test and autism traits, with the latter predicting atheism. The study was limited by the fact that it was on group-level data, it used only one measure of religiosity that measure may have been confounded by the social element to church membership and it involved relatively few items via which a Jensen effect could be calculated. Here, we test whether the religiousness-IQ nexus is on g with individual-level data using archival data from the Vietnam Experience Study, in which 4462 US veterans were subjected to detailed psychological tests. We used multiple measures of religiosity-which we factor-analysed to a religion-factor-and a large number of items. We found, contrary to the findings of Dutton et al. (2020), that the IQ differences with regard to whether or not subjects believed in God are indeed a Jensen effect. We also uncovered a number of anomalies, which we explore.

Paternal Age is Negatively Associated with Religious Behavior in a Post-60s But Not a Pre-60s US Birth Cohort: Testing a Prediction from the Social Epistasis Amplification Model

Participation in social behaviors that enhance group-level fitness may be influenced by mutations that affect patterns of social epistasis in human populations. Mutations that cause individuals to not participate in these behaviors may weaken the ability of members of a group to coordinate and regulate behavior, which may in turn negatively affect fitness. To investigate the possibility that de novo mutations degrade these adaptive social behaviors, we examine the effect of paternal age (as a well-established proxy for de novo mutation load) on one such social behavior, namely religious observance, since religiosity may be a group-level cultural adaptation facilitating enhanced social coordination. Using two large samples (Wisconsin Longitudinal Study and AddHealth), each of a different US birth cohort, paternal age was used to hierarchically predict respondent's level of church attendance after controlling for multiple covariates. The effect is absent in WLS (β = .007, ns, N = 4560); however, it is present in AddHealth (β = - .046, p < .05, N = 4873) increasing the adjusted model R² by .005. The WLS respondents were (mostly) born in the 1930s, whereas the AddHealth respondents were (mostly) born in the 1970s. This may indicate that social-epistatic regulation of behavior has weakened historically in the USA, which might stem from and enhance the ability for de novo mutations to influence behavior among more recently born cohorts-paralleling the secular rise in the heritability of age at sexual debut after the sexual revolution.