Implementing a Prison Medicaid Enrollment Program for Inmates with a Community Inpatient Hospitalization

Medicaid Expansion and Mortality Among Persons Who Were Formerly Incarcerated

Importance

Since 2014, Medicaid expansion has been implemented in many states across the US, increasing health care access among vulnerable populations, including formerly incarcerated people who experience higher mortality rates than the general population.

Objective

To examine population-level association of Medicaid expansion with postrelease mortality from all causes, unintentional drug overdoses, opioid overdoses, polydrug overdoses, suicides, and homicides among formerly incarcerated people in Rhode Island (RI), which expanded Medicaid, compared with North Carolina (NC), which did not expand Medicaid during the study period.

Design, Setting, and Participants

A cohort study was conducted using incarceration release data from January 1, 2009, to December 31, 2018, linked to death records from January 1, 2009, to December 31, 2019, on individuals released from incarceration in RI and NC. Data analysis was performed from August 20, 2022, to February 15, 2024. Participants included those aged 18 years or older who were released from incarceration. Individuals who were temporarily held during ongoing judicial proceedings, died during incarceration, or not released from incarceration during the study period were excluded.

Exposure

Full Medicaid expansion in RI effective January 1, 2014.

Main Outcomes and Measures

Mortality from all causes, unintentional drug overdoses, unintentional opioid and polydrug overdoses, suicides, and homicides.

Results

Between 2009 and 2018, 17 824 individuals were released from RI prisons (mean [SD] age, 38.39 [10.85] years; 31 512 [89.1%] male) and 160 861 were released from NC prisons (mean [SD] age, 38.28 [10.84] years; 209 021 [87.5%] male). Compared with NC, people who were formerly incarcerated in RI experienced a sustained decrease of 72 per 100 000 person-years (95% CI, -108 to -36 per 100 000 person-years) in all-cause mortality per quarter after Medicaid expansion. Similar decreases were observed in RI in drug overdose deaths (-172 per 100 000 person-years per 6 months; 95% CI, -226 to -117 per 100 000 person-years), including opioid and polydrug overdoses, and homicide deaths (-23 per 100 000 person-years per year; 95% CI, -50 to 4 per 100 000 person-years) after Medicaid expansion. Suicide mortality did not change after Medicaid expansion. After Medicaid expansion in RI, non-Hispanic White individuals experienced 3 times greater sustained decreases in all-cause mortality than all racially minoritized individuals combined, while non-Hispanic Black individuals did not experience any substantial benefits. There was no modification by sex. Individuals aged 30 years or older experienced greater all-cause mortality reduction after Medicaid expansion than those younger than 30 years.

Conclusions and Relevance

Medicaid expansion in RI was associated with a decrease in all-cause, overdose, and homicide mortality among formerly incarcerated people. However, these decreases were most observed among White individuals, while racially minoritized individuals received little to no benefits in the studied outcomes.

Transitions in "Privatized" Prison Health Systems: Emergency Department Visits and Hospitalizations Among Incarcerated People in Florida, 2011-2018

Objectives. To examine rates of emergency department (ED) visits and hospitalizations among incarcerated people in Florida during a period when health care management in the state's prisons underwent transitions.Methods. We used Florida ED visit and hospital discharge data (2011-2018) to depict the trend in ED visit and hospital discharge rates among incarcerated people. We proxied incarcerated people using individuals admitted from and discharged or transferred to a court or law enforcement agency. We fitted a regression with year indicators to examine the significance of yearly changes.Results. Among incarcerated people in Florida, ED visit rates quadrupled, and hospitalization rates doubled, between 2015 and 2018, a period when no similar trends were evident in the nonincarcerated population.Public Health Implications. Increasing the amount and flexibility of payments to contractors overseeing prison health services may foster higher rates of hospital utilization among incarcerated people and higher costs, without addressing major quality of care problems. Hospitals and government agencies should transparently report on health care utilization and outcomes among incarcerated people to ensure better oversight of services for a highly vulnerable population.

Postrelease mortality among persons hospitalized during their incarceration

PURPOSE

Health and mortality of people released from incarceration have received increased attention, and yet little is known about the postrelease experiences of those hospitalized during incarceration.

METHODS

For persons incarcerated and released from the North Carolina (NC) state prison system between January 1, 2008, and June 30, 2015, we examined postrelease mortality from 2008 to 2016 by history of prison hospitalization.

RESULTS

Among 111,479 released persons, 0.9% (n = 1010) were hospitalized during their incarceration, and of those, 10.5% (n = 106) died during follow-up compared with 3.2% (3511/110,469) of other released persons. Those hospitalized in prison had a higher postrelease death rate (adjusted hazard ratio: 2.44), a lower 8-year conditional probability of survival (0.80 vs. 0.94), and were more likely to die from chronic causes (79.2% vs. 51.0%) than other released persons. The postrelease standardized mortality rate among men hospitalized in prison was 3.1 times higher than that of those not hospitalized and 7.1 times the rate of all NC men.

CONCLUSIONS

People hospitalized during incarceration constitute a particularly vulnerable, yet relatively easily identifiable priority population to focus health interventions supporting continuity of care after prison release. Yet such efforts may be particularly challenging in NC and other Medicaid non-expansion states.

Eliminating Gaps in Medicaid Coverage During Reentry After Incarceration

This commentary explores the health and social challenges associated with gaps in Medicaid health insurance coverage for adults and youths exiting the US criminal justice system, and highlights some potential solutions.Because a high proportion of recently incarcerated people come from low-income backgrounds and experience a high burden of disease, the Medicaid program plays an important role in ensuring access to care for this population. However, the Medicaid Inmate Exclusion Policy, or "inmate exclusion," leads to Medicaid being terminated or suspended upon incarceration, often resulting in gaps in Medicaid coverage at release. These coverage gaps interact with individual-level and population-level factors to influence key health and social outcomes associated with recidivism.Ensuring Medicaid coverage upon release is an important, feasible component of structural change to alleviate health inequities and reduce recidivism. High-yield opportunities to ensure continuous coverage exist at the time of Medicaid suspension or termination and during incarceration prior to release.

Medicaid Enrollment among Prison Inmates in a Non-expansion State: Exploring Predisposing, Enabling, and Need Factors Related to Enrollment Pre-incarceration and Post-Release

Prison inmates suffer from a heavy burden of physical and mental health problems and have considerable need for healthcare and coverage after prison release. The Affordable Care Act may have increased Medicaid access for some of those who need coverage in Medicaid expansion states, but inmates in non-expansion states still have high need for Medicaid coverage and face unique barriers to enrollment. We sought to explore barriers and facilitators to Medicaid enrollment among prison inmates in a non-expansion state. We conducted qualitative interviews with 20 recently hospitalized male prison inmates who had been approached by a prison social worker due to probable Medicaid eligibility, as determined by the inmates' financial status, health, and past Medicaid enrollment. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed using a codebook with both thematic and interpretive codes. Coded interview text was then analyzed to identify predisposing, enabling, and need factors related to participants' Medicaid enrollment prior to prison and intentions to enroll after release. Study participants' median age, years incarcerated at the time of the interview, and projected remaining sentence length were 50, 4, and 2 years, respectively. Participants were categorized into three sub-groups based on their self-reported experience with Medicaid: (1) those who never applied for Medicaid before prison (n = 6); (2) those who unsuccessfully attempted to enroll in Medicaid before prison (n = 3); and (3) those who enrolled in Medicaid before prison (n = 11). The six participants who had never applied to Medicaid before their incarceration did not hold strong attitudes about Medicaid and mostly had little need for Medicaid due to being generally healthy or having coverage available from other sources such as the Veteran's Administration. However, one inmate who had never applied for Medicaid struggled considerably to access mental healthcare due to lapses in employer-based health coverage and attributed his incarceration to this unmet need for treatment. Three inmates with high medical need had their Medicaid applications rejected at least once pre-incarceration, resulting in periods without health coverage that led to worsening health and financial hardship for two of them. Eleven inmates with high medical need enrolled in Medicaid without difficulty prior to their incarceration, largely due to enabling factors in the form of assistance with the application by their local Department of Social Services or Social Security Administration, their mothers, medical providers, or prison personnel during a prior incarceration. Nearly all inmates acknowledged that they would need health coverage after release from prison, and more than half reported that they would need to enroll in Medicaid to gain healthcare coverage following their release. Although more population-based assessments are necessary, our findings suggest that greater assistance with Medicaid enrollment may be a key factor so that people in the criminal justice system who qualify for Medicaid-and other social safety net programs-may gain their rightful access to these benefits. Such access may benefit not only the individuals themselves but also the communities to which they return.