"I felt like a superhero": the experience of responding to drug overdose among individuals trained in overdose prevention

"Everybody is impacted. Everybody's hurting": Grief, loss and the emotional impacts of overdose on harm reduction workers

BACKGROUND

The emotional impacts of witnessing and responding to overdose and overdose-related deaths have been largely overlooked during the drug toxicity overdose crisis in North America. Scarce research has analyzed these impacts on the health and well-being of harm reduction workers, and the broader determinants of harm reduction work. Our study investigates the experiences and impacts of witnessing and responding to frequent and escalating rates of overdose on harm reduction workers in Toronto, Canada.

METHODS

Using semi-structured interviews, 11 harm reduction workers recruited from harm reduction programs with supervised consumption services in Toronto, Canada, explored experiences with and reactions to overdose in both their professional and personal lives. They also provided insights on supports necessary to help people cope with overdose-related loss. We used thematic analysis to develop an initial coding framework, subsequent iterations of codes and emergent themes.

RESULTS

Results revealed that harm reductions workers experienced physical, emotional, and social effects from overdose-related loss and grief. While some effects were due to the toll of overdose response and grief from overdose-related losses, they were exacerbated by the lack of political response to the scale of the drug toxicity overdose crisis and the broader socio-economic-political environment of chronic underfunding for harm reduction services. Harm reduction workers described the lack of appropriate workplace supports for trauma from repeated overdose response and overdose-related loss, alongside non-standard work arrangements that resulted in a lack of adequate compensation or access to benefits.

CONCLUSIONS

Our study highlights opportunities for organizational practices that better support harm reduction workers, including formal emotional supports and community-based supportive care services. Improvement to the socio-economic-political determinants of work such as adequate compensation and access to full benefit packages are also needed in the harm reduction sector for all workers.

Performance of the Medical Priority Dispatch System® in Identifying Patients Requiring Chest Compressions at Overdose Prevention Services: A Retrospective Cohort Study

BACKGROUND AND AIMS

The Medical Priority Dispatch System (MPDS)® is used to triage 9-1-1 calls according to acuity, with certain coding receiving telecommunicator cardiopulmonary resuscitation (T-CPR) for suspected out-of-hospital cardiac arrest (OHCA). However, this may be challenging for those with drug poisoning emergencies, who may resemble OHCA. We sought to examine the performance of the system to correctly identify cases requiring T-CPR, specifically at overdose prevention services (OPS).

METHODS

This retrospective cohort study included patients attended by the provincial emergency medical system (EMS) (May 1, 2019-January 31, 2023). We calculated the diagnostic performance of MPDS® assessment of whether the case required T-CPR instructions against the gold standard of whether the patient was found pulseless on EMS clinician arrival. We compared performance among subgroups, specifically OPS vs other locations and drug poisoning-classified cases vs other case classifications.

RESULTS

Comparing OPS to other locations, the sensitivity of MPDS® was similar (66.7% vs 62.4%, p = 0.4), with lower specificity (87.3% vs 98.1%, p < 0.01) and positive predictive value (0.3% vs 35.7%, p < 0.01) and higher negative predictive value (99.9% vs 99.4%, p < 0.01). The negative likelihood ratio of MPDS® was 0.381 at OPS locations, compared with 0.383 at other locations, while the positive likelihood ratio was 5.24, compared with 32.36. In patients with drug poisoning emergencies, compared with other 9-1-1 events, MPDS® had higher sensitivity (83.6% vs 60.6%, p < 0.01) but lower specificity (77.6% vs 98.9%, p < 0.01) and positive predictive value (10.5% vs 48.5%, p < 0.01), and similar negative predictive value (99.33% vs 99.35%, p = 0.03). The negative likelihood ratio of MPDS® was 0.212 in drug poisoning emergencies compared with 0.398 for all other presentations, and the positive likelihood ratio was 3.73 compared with 57.88.

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS

The ability of MPDS® to correctly identify patients needing telecommunicator cardiopulmonary resuscitation instructions differed between OPS settings and other locations, frequently recommending T-CPR for patients not suffering OHCA at an OPS. Different strategies developed in collaboration with people who use substances are required to better tailor dispatch instructions prior to EMS arrival to avoid delays in life-saving interventions.

Radical hospitality: Innovative programming to build community and meet the needs of people who use drugs at a government-sanctioned overdose prevention site in San Francisco, California

BACKGROUND

The Tenderloin Center (TLC), a multi-service center where people could receive or be connected to basic needs, behavioral health care, housing, and medical services, was open in San Francisco for 46 weeks in 2022. Within a week of operation, services expanded to include an overdose prevention site (OPS), also known as safe consumption site. OPSs have operated internationally for over three decades, but government-sanctioned OPSs have only recently been implemented in the United States. We used ethnographic methods to understand the ways in which a sanctioned OPS, situated in a multi-service center, impacts the lives of people who use drugs (PWUD).

METHODS

We conducted participant observation and in-depth interviews June-December 2022. Extensive field notes and 39 in-depth interviews with 24 TLC guests and 15 TLC staff were analyzed using an inductive analysis approach. Interviewees were asked detailed questions about their experiences using and working at the TLC.

RESULTS

TLC guests and staff described an atmosphere where radical hospitality-welcoming guests with extraordinary warmth, generosity, and unconditional acceptance-was central to the culture. We found that the co-location of an OPS within a multi-service agency (1) allowed for the culture of radical hospitality to flourish, (2) yielded a convenient one-stop shop model, (3) created a space for community building, and (4) offered safety and respite to guests.

CONCLUSIONS

The co-location of an OPS within a multi-service drop-in center is an important example of how such an organization can build positive sociality among PWUD while protecting autonomy and reducing overdose mortality. Overdose response and reversal is an act of relational accountability in which friends, peers, and even strangers intervene to protect and revive one another. This powerful intervention was operationalized as an anti-oppressive, horizontal activity through radical hospitality with a built environment that allowed PWUD to be both social and safe.

The experience of drug-related client loss for healthcare professionals who support people in addiction

INTRODUCTION

Addiction support and recovery is a multi-faceted support context in which practitioners work with clients who present with increased mortality risks. Drug-related deaths are understood to be a risk factor for complicated grief-reactions but, to date, research has neglected to explore the intricacies of drug-related client loss for practitioners who work with clients experiencing addiction. Due to wider expectations of professional endurance and the demanding nature of health care, grief-related reactions associated with the loss of a client may go unprocessed and, therefore, result in long-term health implications.

METHOD

Fifteen health care professionals took part in individual semi-structured interviews, which were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis. Participants represented various disciplines in addiction support and recovery, including homelessness, inclusion health, addiction, and emergency medicine.

RESULTS

Three core themes emerged encapsulating the experience of drug-related bereavement for HCPs who support people experiencing addiction, as follows: (i) Grief Beneath the Surface, (ii) The Cost of Caring, and (iii) Finding Closure. The findings identified acute grief-related reactions in HCPs such as self-blame and shame, alongside fears of litigation and questions of clinical competency. Participants' accounts of drug-related client loss emphasized a deep professional connection with those that they work with, with grief-responses akin to the loss of peers, family members, and other close connections. The bereavement experience was complicated by unique compounding variables associated with drug-related deaths, but also by incongruity between their emotional responses to death and their professional responsibilities.

CONCLUSIONS

This article highlights the complex nature of drug-related client loss, and despite their social positioning as experts in their field, HCPs' reactions to client deaths were predominantly human responses to loss. The article identified a need for targeted postvention protocols that address complicated grief while also allowing staff to resume occupational functioning in a measured manner.

Loneliness and fearfulness are associated with non-fatal drug overdose among people who inject drugs

BACKGROUND

People who inject drugs (PWID) experience high rates of drug overdose death with the risk of mortality increasing after each non-fatal event. Racial differences exist in drug overdose rates, with higher rates among Black people who use drugs. Psychological factors may predict drug overdose.

METHODS

Cross-sectional data from a survey administered to PWID in Baltimore, MD enrolled in a social network-based intervention were analyzed. Linear regression methods with generalized estimating equations were used to analyze data from indexes and network members to assess for psychological factors significantly associated with self-reported number of lifetime drug overdoses. Factors associated with number of overdoses were assessed separately by race.

RESULTS

Among 111 PWID enrolled between January 2018 and January 2019, 25.2% were female, 65.7% were Black, 98.2% reported use of substances in addition to opioids, and the mean age was 49.0 ± 8.3 years. Seventy-five individuals (67.6%) had a history of any overdose with a mean of 5.0 ± 9.7 lifetime overdoses reported. Reports of feeling fearful (β = 9.74, P = 0.001) or feeling lonely all of the time (β = 5.62, P = 0.033) were independently associated with number of drug overdoses. In analyses disaggregated by race, only the most severe degree of fearfulness or loneliness was associated with overdose among Black participants, whereas among White participants, any degree of fearfulness or loneliness was associated with overdose.

CONCLUSIONS

In this study of PWID loneliness and fearfulness were significantly related to the number of reported overdose events. These factors could be targeted in future interventions.

Exploring trauma and wellbeing of people who use drugs after witnessing overdose: A qualitative study

BACKGROUND

The national overdose crisis is often quantified by overdose deaths, but understanding the traumatic impact for those who witness and respond to overdoses can help elucidate mental health needs and opportunities for intervention for this population. Many who respond to overdoses are people who use drugs. This study adds to the literature on how people who use drugs qualitatively experience trauma resulting from witnessing and responding to overdose, through the lens of the Trauma-Informed Theory of Individual Health Behavior.

METHODS

We conducted 60-min semi-structured, in-depth phone interviews. Participants were recruited from six states and Washington, DC in March-April 2022. Participants included 17 individuals who witnessed overdose(s) during the COVID-19 pandemic. The interview guide was shaped by theories of trauma. The codebook was developed using a priori codes from the interview guide; inductive codes were added during content analysis. Transcripts were coded using ATLAS.ti.

RESULTS

A vast majority reported trauma from witnessing overdoses. Participants reported that the severity of trauma varied by contextual factors such as the closeness of the relationship to the person overdosing or whether the event was their first experience witnessing an overdose. Participants often described symptoms of trauma including rumination, guilt, and hypervigilance. Some reported normalization of witnessing overdoses due to how common overdoses were, while some acknowledged overdoses will never be "normal." The impacts of witnessing overdose on drug use behaviors varied from riskier substance use to increased motivation for treatment and safer drug use practices.

CONCLUSION

Recognizing the traumatic impact of witnessed overdoses is key to effectively addressing the full range of sequelae of the overdose crisis. Trauma-informed approaches should be central for service providers when they approach this subject with clients, with awareness of how normalization can reduce help-seeking behaviors and the need for psychological aftercare. We found increased motivation for behavior change after witnessing, which presents opportunity for intervention.

"I'm not going to lay back and watch somebody die": a qualitative study of how people who use drugs' naloxone experiences are shaped by rural risk environment and overdose education/naloxone distribution intervention

BACKGROUND

Overdoses have surged in rural areas in the U.S. and globally for years, but harm reduction interventions have lagged. Overdose education and naloxone distribution (OEND) programs reduce overdose mortality, but little is known about people who use drugs' (PWUD) experience with these interventions in rural areas. Here, we analyze qualitative data with rural PWUD to learn about participants' experiences with an OEND intervention, and about how participants' perceptions of their rural risk environments influenced the interventions' effects.

METHODS

Twenty-nine one-on-one, semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with rural PWUD engaged in the CARE2HOPE OEND intervention in Appalachian Kentucky. Interviews were conducted via Zoom, audio-recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis was conducted, guided by the Rural Risk Environment Framework.

RESULTS

Participants' naloxone experiences were shaped by all domains of their rural risk environments. The OEND intervention transformed participants' roles locally, so they became an essential component of the local rural healthcare environment. The intervention provided access to naloxone and information, thereby increasing PWUDs' confidence in naloxone administration. Through the intervention, over half of participants gained knowledge on naloxone (access points, administration technique) and on the criminal-legal environment as it pertained to naloxone. Most participants opted to accept and carry naloxone, citing factors related to the social environment (responsibility to their community) and physical/healthcare environments (overdose prevalence, suboptimal emergency response systems). Over half of participants described recent experiences administering intervention-provided naloxone. These experiences were shaped by features of the local rural social environment (anticipated negative reaction from recipients, prior naloxone conversations).

CONCLUSIONS

By providing naloxone paired with non-stigmatizing health and policy information, the OEND intervention offered support that allowed participants to become a part of the healthcare environment. Findings highlight need for more OEND interventions; outreach to rural PWUD on local policy that impacts them; tailored strategies to help rural PWUD engage in productive dialogue with peers about naloxone and navigate interpersonal conflict associated with overdose reversal; and opportunities for rural PWUD to formally participate in emergency response systems as peer overdose responders. Trial registration The ClinicalTrials.gov ID for the CARE2HOPE intervention is NCT04134767. The registration date was October 19th, 2019.

Patient brokering in for-profit substance use disorder treatment: a qualitative study with people with opioid use disorder and professionals in the field

BACKGROUND

Opioid use and opioid overdose deaths are at an all-time high and evidence-based treatments for people with opioid use disorder (OUD) are underutilized. Therefore, we sought to understand experiences and perceptions of abuses in the for-profit substance use disorder treatment industry that could potentially put people with OUD at an increased risk for an overdose.

METHODS

One-on-one semi-structured interviews were conducted from November 2018 to May 2019 in Southern California with 20 people with OUD and 20 professionals who work in the substance use disorder (SUD) treatment field. A grounded theory approach was conducted to discover emerging patterns from the data.

RESULTS

Three major themes emerged:1) financial and material enticements, 2) encouraging substance use in the for-profit treatment sector, and 3) contributors to overdose risk. Participants reported that patient brokers would pay for plane tickets and offer financial incentives (e.g., money) to attract individuals to SUD treatment, capitalizing on insurance profits despite initial expenses. Participants reported being encouraged to use drugs before treatment to meet insurance conditions, thus jeopardizing genuine recovery efforts and adding to the temptation of drug use. Many participants linked patient brokering to increased overdose deaths, emphasizing the dangerous practices of brokers providing drugs, promoting relapse, and creating a revolving door of treatment, which compounds the overdose risk after periods of abstinence.

CONCLUSIONS

Patient brokering and unethical abuses in the for-profit treatment industry have caused some people with OUD to seek treatment for money and housing instead of seeking treatment to stop opioid use. The harmful treatment environment was seen as a barrier to care and an unwanted obstacle to overcome on the path to recovery.

"I'm not going to lay back and watch somebody die": A qualitative study of how people who use drugs' naloxone experiences are shaped by rural risk environment and naloxone distribution/overdose education intervention

Background

Overdoses have surged in rural areas in the U.S. and globally for years, but harm reduction interventions have lagged. Overdose education and naloxone distribution (OEND) programs are highly effective to prevent overdose mortality, but little is known about people who use drugs' (PWUD) experience with these interventions in rural areas. Here, we analyze qualitative data with rural PWUD to learn about their experiences with an OEND intervention, and about how their perceptions of their rural risk environments influenced the interventions' effects.

Methods

Twenty-nine one-on-one, semi-structured qualitative interviews were conducted with rural PWUD engaged in the CARE2HOPE OEND intervention in Appalachian Kentucky. Interviews were conducted via Zoom, audio-recorded, and transcribed verbatim. Thematic analysis was conducted, guided by the Rural Risk Environment Framework.

Results

The OEND intervention transformed participants' roles locally, so they became an essential component of the local rural healthcare environment. The intervention provided access to naloxone and information, thereby increasing PWUD's confidence in naloxone administration. Through the intervention, over half of participants gained knowledge on naloxone (access points, administration technique) and on the criminal-legal environment as it pertained to naloxone. Most participants opted to accept and carry naloxone, citing factors related to the social environment (sense of responsibility to their community) and physical/healthcare environments (high overdose prevalence, suboptimal emergency response systems). Over half of participants described recent experiences administering intervention-provided naloxone. These experiences were shaped by features of the local rural social environment (anticipated negative reaction from recipients, prior naloxone conversations).

Conclusions

By providing naloxone paired with non-stigmatizing health and policy information, the OEND intervention offered the material and informational support that allowed participants to become a part of the healthcare environment. Findings highlight need for more outreach to rural PWUD on local policy that impacts them; tailored strategies to help rural PWUD engage in productive dialogue with peers about naloxone and navigate interpersonal conflict associated with overdose reversal; and opportunities for rural PWUD to formally participate in emergency response systems as peer overdose responders.

Trial registration

The ClinicalTrials.gov ID for the CARE2HOPE intervention is NCT04134767. The registration date was October 19th, 2019.

Understandings, attitudes, practices and responses to GHB overdose among GHB consumers

BACKGROUND

Gamma-hydroxybutyrate (GHB) is used at disproportionately high rates within sexuality and gender diverse communities and carries a high risk of overdose. GHB overdose can result in death. Internationally, recent increases in GHB overdoses have been observed. Coronial reviews of GHB-related death highlight the pivotal roles that bystanders to GHB overdose play in preventing fatality. No research has examined, in detail, how bystanders respond to GHB overdose. This qualitative study was conducted among people who use GHB and explored how they responded upon witnessing a GHB overdose experienced by someone else.

METHODS

Interviews were conducted with 31 sexuality and gender diverse Australian residents reporting three or more occasions of GHB use in the previous 12 months. Participants were asked questions about witnessed GHB overdose, their actions and decision-making processes throughout overdose. Data were analysed thematically.

RESULTS

Participants described witnessing GHB overdose, commonly in private settings involving sexualized GHB use. Variable definitions of GHB overdose were reported, ranging from GHB-induced symptoms of distress to comatose intoxication. Drastic actions to keep someone alert and responsive post-GHB ingestion were reported; these included the administration of stimulant substances and citrus. Decisions to call or not call for emergency medical services (EMS) were influenced by many circumstantial variables. In most instances, an EMS call was resisted and response practices deviated from established first aid protocols.

CONCLUSIONS

GHB overdose prevention and response training programs targeting people who use GHB are urgently required. These education interventions ought to address inaccuracies that inform street remedies for GHB overdose, teach people how to safely check breathing and response, promote basic first aid principles and address barriers to contacting EMS.

"It can save your life, that's all I know," barriers and facilitators for engagement in take-home naloxone for people receiving opioid substitution treatment in regional Australia: An explorative study

Engagement in take-home naloxone (THN) programs by people receiving opioid substitution treatment (OST) in Australia is low despite methadone being a significant contributor to opioid overdose deaths. Our aim was to explore barriers and facilitators for OST patients to engage in THN. We used a descriptive qualitative design with thematic analysis to gain insight into naloxone uptake by people engaged in an OST program in regional Australia. Eleven participants were interviewed; eight had previously engaged with THN. Barriers to THN included limited knowledge and understanding, lack of information, and not personally experiencing an overdose. Facilitators included having a traumatic experience of overdose, knowledge and understanding of THN and overdose, empowerment in carrying naloxone, and expanding THN programs. Support for the expansion of THN programs is desired among participants, and widespread peer distribution is understood to be the key to success. This study found that prior traumatic experience of overdose facilitates acceptance of THN, and being offered THN was the most important factor in engagement. Less clear is how to engage people who lack a traumatic overdose experience.

Experiences Administering Naloxone Among People in Different Social Roles: People Who Use Opioids and Family Members and Friends

Unintentional drug overdose deaths continue to be a critical public health issue. Naloxone, a nonscheduled, safe, and effective drug that reverses opioid-involved overdoses is available to non-medically trained individuals ("lay people"), but there is scant information about how people in different social roles experience naloxone administration. We conducted 24 in-depth interviews with people who use opioids (PWUO; n = 15) and family members and friends of people who use opioids (FF; n = 9) who had administered naloxone in response to an opioid overdose. Compared with PWUO, members of the FF group were less reticent to administer naloxone in response to an overdose. PWUO and FF had different perspectives of law enforcement and demonstrated varied knowledge of the Good Samaritan Law. While PWUO found that having and administering naloxone was empowering, FF took a more pragmatic approach, reporting the need for naloxone as an unfortunate reality of their loved one's drug use.

Women who use drugs: engagement in practices of harm reduction care

BACKGROUND

Harm reduction services that employ or are operated by people who use drugs are an effective means of mitigating overdose risks and other drug-related harms. However, stereotypes portraying people who use criminalized drugs as incapable caregivers persist. This is especially true for women who use drugs, and to a greater extent racialized women, who are characterized as having diverged from traditional ideals of womanhood as a result of drug-user stigma and the intersections of gender- and class-based and racist stereotypes. In an effort to identify and understand how women who use drugs practise care through harm reduction, we explored the experiences of women accessing a low-threshold supervised consumption site exclusively for women (transgender and non-binary inclusive) in Vancouver, Canada.

METHODS

Data were drawn from research conducted from May 2017 to June 2018 exploring women's experiences accessing the supervised consumption site during an overdose crisis. Data included forty-five semistructured interviews with women recruited from the site, analysed thematically to explore practices of care through harm reduction.

FINDINGS

Participants reported engaging in both formal and informal care. Acts of care included interventions that both aligned with and deviated from conventional understandings of care practices, including overdose reversal and education, overdose supervision/care, and assisted injection.

CONCLUSION

The boundary between formal and informal harm reduction care is fluid. Women who use drugs engage in harm reduction across these borders with acts of care that align with or fill the gaps in current harm reduction services in order to meet the needs of drug-using communities, challenging negative stereotypes of women who use drugs. However, these caregiving practices can increase risks to care providers' physical, mental, and emotional health and wellness. Increased financial, social, and institutional supports, including safer supply, assisted injection, and community resources, are needed to better support women as they continue to engage in harm reduction care.

Take-Home Naloxone and risk management from the perspective of people who survived an opioid overdose in Stockholm - An analysis informed by drug, set and setting

BACKGROUND

Take-Home Naloxone (THN) programs were introduced in Sweden in 2018 - a country with one of the highest rates of overdose mortality in the EU and a severe stigmatisation of people who inject drugs. This qualitative study builds on the international research that has expanded a previously narrow and medical focus on overdose deaths. It uses Zinberg's framework to look beyond the role of the "drug" to include the attitudes and personality of the person ("set") and contextual factors ("setting"). This study explores the impacts of THN from the perspective of overdose survivors.

METHODS

Between November 2021 and May 2022 semi-structured interviews were conducted with 22 opioid overdose survivors, recruited among clients of the Stockholm needle and syringe program. All the participants had been treated with naloxone in an overdose situation. The interviews were processed through thematic analysis using deductive and inductive coding in accordance with the theoretical framework.

RESULTS

Interviewees included men and women who used different types of drugs. THN has impacted on "drug" in terms of naloxone-induced withdrawal symptoms and peers having to deal with survivors' emotions. Exploring "set" revealed feelings of shame following naloxone revival for the person who overdosed. Despite such reactions, participants retained an overwhelmingly positive attitude towards THN. Participants integrated THN into their risk management practices ("setting") and some acknowledged that THN provided a new way to treat overdoses without necessarily needing to interact with authorities, especially the police.

CONCLUSION

The THN program has influenced "drug, set and setting" for participants, providing increased safety at drug-intake and transferring overdose management and the burden of care to the community. The lived experience of participants also exposes the limitations of THN indicating that there are additional unmet needs beyond THN programs, particularly in terms of "setting".

(Re)situating expertise in community-based overdose response: Insights from an ethnographic study of overdose prevention sites (OPS) in Vancouver, Canada

Overdose Prevention Sites (OPS) are low-barrier services where people may use illicit drugs under the monitoring of staff trained to provide life-saving care in the event of an overdose. In British Columbia (BC), Canada, OPS have been rapidly scaled-up as a community-based response to the overdose crisis and are staffed primarily by community members who are also people who use drugs (PWUD). While it is known that PWUD perform vital roles in OPS and other community-based overdose interventions, the expertise and expert knowledge of PWUD in this work remains under-theorised. This study draws on 20 months of ethnographic fieldwork in Vancouver, BC (July 2018 to March 2020), to explore how OPS responders who are PWUD developed and enacted expertise in overdose response. Ethnographic fieldwork focused on four OPS located in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside (DTES) and Downtown South neighbourhoods. Methods included 100 hours of observation in the sites and surrounding areas, three site-specific focus groups with OPS responders (n=20), and semi-structured interviews with OPS responders (n=14) and service users (n=23). Data was analysed with the aim of characterizing the knowledge underpinning responders' expertise, and the arrangements which allow for the formation and enactment of expertise. We found that OPS responders' expertise was grounded in experiential knowledge acquired through their positionality as PWUD and members of a broader community of activists engaged in mutual aid. Responders became skilled in overdose response through frequent practice and drew on their experiential and embodied knowledge of overdose to provide care that was both technically proficient and responsive to the broader needs of PWUD (e.g. protection from criminalization and stigmatizing treatment). Responders emphasized that the spatial arrangements of OPS supported the development of expertise by facilitating more specialized and comprehensive overdose care. OPS became sites of collective expertise around overdose management as responder teams developed shared understandings of overdose management, including processes for managing uncertainty, delegating team responsibilities, and sharing decision-making. This research re-situates theoretical understandings of expertise in community-based overdose response with implications for overdose prevention interventions. Findings underscore the experiential and embodied expertise of PWUD as community-based responders; the importance of supportive environments and team-based approaches for overdose response; and the benefits of community-driven training that extends beyond technical skills of overdose identification and naloxone administration.

Factors Associated with Non-Evidence-Based Overdose Responses among People Who Use Prescription Opioids Non-Medically in Rural Appalachia

Background: Opioid-related overdose deaths recently accelerated. In response, overdose education and naloxone distribution (OEND) has been implemented widely, though access remains sparse in rural Appalachia. Despite increasing OEND, risk factors for non-evidence-based overdose responses among the training-naïve remain unknown. Methods: We enrolled 169 adults who use prescription opioids non-medically and reside in rural West Virginia (August 2014-March 2015). Participants were interviewed about witnessing overdose (lifetime and prior-year), characteristics of the most recent overdose, responses to the overdose, and OEND acceptability. Logistic regression was used to assess factors associated with non-evidence-based responses to overdose. Results: Among the 73 participants who witnessed an opioid-related overdose, the majority (n = 53, 73%) reported any non-evidence-based responses. Participants were significantly more likely to report a non-evidence-based response when victims were unresponsive (OR = 3.36; 95% CI = 1.07, 10.58). Common evidence-based responses included staying with the victim until help arrived (n = 66, 90%) and calling 911 (n = 63, 86%), while the most common non-evidence-based responses were hitting or slapping the victim (n = 37, 51%) and rubbing the victim with ice or placing them in a cold shower or bath (n = 14, 19%). While most (n = 60, 82%) had never heard of OEND, the majority (n = 69, 95%) were willing to train, particularly those reporting non-evidence-based responses (n = 52, 98%). Conclusions: These findings underscore the need to expand access to OEND in rural communities and indicate OEND is acceptable to training-naïve individuals who use opioids in rural Appalachia. Given the "harm reduction deserts" in the region, approaches to expand OEND should be pursued.

Intergroup relationships with people who use drugs: A personal network approach

Positive and meaningful intergroup contact between people who use drugs and those with the potential to provide positive social interactions has been identified as an important pathway to address the burden of drug use by reducing stigmatizing views and behaviors. Traditional approaches to intergroup contact typically rely on laboratory experiments or survey vignettes to examine the consequences of variation in contact conditions and relationships. Although seldom measured, contact occurs naturally through individuals' personal social networks. Here, we apply this latter approach to examine how the characteristics of drug use and social roles are associated with positive and meaningful intergroup contact in daily life. We leverage unique data from a state representative sample of Indiana residents aged 18 or older (n = 926) that completed a personal network interview and separately reported people they know who have a drug use problem. We first identified the respondents who nominated a person who uses drugs as a member of their core personal network and then evaluated the relationship, disease, and individual characteristics that were associated with that person's inclusion in the personal network. We find that primary relationships (e.g., having a spouse or child who uses drugs) are associated with meaningful contact with people who use drugs but that intense manifestations of disease characteristics (severe or problematic, danger to self) can limit the likelihood of contact. These findings demonstrate how the nature of intergroup contact can shape the types of relationships that have been shown to help reduce stigmatizing attitudes and the behavioral barriers to recovery, such as social isolation. Thus, core networks present a valuable approach to defining the factors that likely contribute to effective intergroup contact.

The Cost of Caring: Compassion Fatigue among Peer Overdose Response Workers in British Columbia

Background: The drug toxicity crisis has had dramatic impacts on people who use drugs. Peer overdose response workers (peer responders), i.e., individuals with lived/living experience of drug use who work in overdose response settings, are particularly susceptible to negative physical and mental health impacts of the crisis. Despite that, the mental health impacts on peer responders have yet to be studied and measured. Methods: The Professional Quality of Life survey (Version 5) was completed by 47 peer responders at two organizations in British Columbia between September 2020 and March 2021 to assess compassion satisfaction and compassion fatigue. The Likert scale responses were converted into numerical values and scores were calculated for each sub-scale. The mean score was calculated for each sub-scale and categorized as low, medium, or high, based on the instructions for Version 5 of the instrument. Results: Our study uncovered a high mean score for compassion satisfaction, low mean score for burnout, and medium mean score for secondary traumatic stress among peer responders. These results may be due to the participants' strong feelings of pride and recognition from their work, as well as the low number of participants that felt they had too much to do at work. Conclusion: Although peer responders derive pleasure and fulfillment from their jobs, i.e., compassion satisfaction, they also sometimes face burnout and stress due to continuous exposure to the trauma of the people they support. These results shed light on the areas that need to be targeted when creating supports for peer responders.

Individual and social network correlates of responding to multiple overdoses among a cohort of people who use drugs

Background

The purpose of this study was to identify characteristics of people who respond to two or more overdoses (i.e., multiple overdose responders; MOR) compared to those who respond to zero or one, and the association between MOR status and changes in network size.

Methods

Secondary analysis of data from a randomized trial among 199 PWUD in Baltimore, MD (2016-2019). We used cross-tabulation, 𝜒 ² , and ANOVA models to identify cross-sectional associations between overdose response and demographic, drug use, and network size; and ANCOVA models to examine the relationship between baseline MOR status and change in network size.

Results

From the cohort of 199, 185 people provided data on overdose response at baseline; 197 provided data at 6-month follow-up. At baseline, 27.6% of participants were classified as MORs (ever). Correlates of MOR status included homelessness; age; injecting drug use; quality of interactions with police (respectful vs. not); and use of powder cocaine, prescription opioids, and heroin. MORs had larger networks and their network size decreased more over time, but the association was not statistically significant. At follow-up, 16% were classified as MORs (past 6 months); correlates of follow-up MOR status were similar to those at baseline.

Conclusions

Overdose prevention interventions rely on PWUD to respond to overdoses. Identifying factors associated with MOR status could increase intervention efficiency and providing MORs with support could increase sustainability. Our findings suggest that PWUD experiencing homelessness, using cocaine and heroin, and demonstrating increased salience of overdose in their lives would benefit from targeted programs.

Stayin' Alive in Little 5: Application of Sentiment Analysis to Investigate Emotions of Service Industry Workers Responding to Drug Overdoses

The opioid epidemic has increasingly been recognized as a public health issue and has challenged our current legal, social, and ethical beliefs regarding drug use. The epidemic not only impacts persons who use drugs, but also those around them, including people who do not expect to witness an overdose. For example, in the commercial district of Little 5 Points, Atlanta, GA, many service industry workers have become de facto responders to opioid overdoses when a person experiences an opioid-involved overdose in their place of employment. To provide additional insights into >300 pages of interview data collected from service industry workers that have responded to an opioid overdose while at work, we utilized a mixed-methods approach to conduct this sentiment analysis. First, using R version 4.2.1, a data-science based textual analytic approach was applied to the interview data. Using a corpus algorithm, each line of interview text was characterized as one of the eight following sentiments, anger, anticipation, disgust, fear, joy, sadness, surprise, or trust. Once having identified statements that fit into each of these eight codes, qualitative thematic analysis was conducted. The three most prevalent emotions elucidated from these interviews with service industry workers were trust, anticipation, and joy with 20.4%, 16.2%, and 14.7% across all statements, respectively labeled as each emotion. Thematic analysis revealed three themes in the data: (1) individuals have a part to address in the opioid epidemic, (2) communities have many needs related to the opioid crisis, and (3) structural forces create pathways and barriers to opioid overdose response and rescue. This analysis thematically identified roles service industry workers have in addressing the opioid crisis in Atlanta. Similarly, community needs and barriers to responding to an opioid-involved overdose were characterized. Uniquely, this study found key sentiments related to each of these themes. Future research can leverage these findings to inform the development of overdose prevention and response interventions for service industry works that systematically address common emotions and beliefs trainees may have.

Frequency of fatal and non-fatal overdoses and response to grief and loss among people who inject drugs: An unexplored dimension of the opioid overdose crisis

BACKGROUND

We investigated the relationship between overdose events and grief and loss responses among people who inject drugs.

METHODS

We conducted a cross-sectional, tablet-based survey with a convenience sample of people who inject drugs (n = 249) from four community-based harm reduction programs in Toronto in 2019. We examined the association between frequency and types of overdose events (own, witnessed, death of significant person) in the last 6 months with grief and loss responses, identified using latent class analysis.

RESULTS

Among respondents, 70 (48.6 %) reported 2 or more personal overdoses, 173 (79.5 %) witnessed 2 or more overdoses, and 69 (41.4 %) experienced overdose deaths of 2 or more significant persons in the last 6 months. We identified 2 latent classes with probability of membership of 38.6 % (95 % confidence interval [CI]=31.0, 46.7) for medium/low intensity of responses to grief/loss and 61.4 % (95 % CI= 53.3, 69.0) for severe responses to grief/loss. In adjusted Poisson regression models with robust standard error estimators, severe responses to grief/loss were associated with exposure to two or more own overdoses (prevalence ratio [PR] = 1.44; 95 % CI=1.12, 1.84, p-value=0.004), and having witnessed one (PR=2.09; 95 % CI=1.05, 4.15, p-value=0.04) or witnessed two or more overdoses (PR=2.25; 95 % CI=1.24, 4.09, p-value=0.008). Severe grief/loss responses were also more common in individuals exposed to all three types of overdose events (PR=2.42; 95 % CI=1.08, 5.41, p-value=0.03).

CONCLUSIONS

Cumulative overdose events were associated with severe responses to grief and loss. Bereavement interventions should consider the complex nature of grief and loss following overdoses.

How do naloxone-based interventions work to reduce overdose deaths: a realist review

BACKGROUND

Naloxone-based interventions as part of health systems can reverse an opioid overdose. Previous systematic reviews have identified the effectiveness of naloxone; however, the role of context and mechanisms for its use has not been explored. This realist systematic review aims to identify a theory of how naloxone works based on the contexts and mechanisms that contribute to the success of the intervention for improved outcomes.

METHODS

Pre-registered at PROSPERO, this realist review followed RAMESES standards of reporting. Keywords included 'naloxone' and ' opioid overdose'. All study designs were included. Data extraction using 55 relevant outputs based on realist logic produced evidence of two middle-range theories: Naloxone Bystander Intervention Theory and Skills Transfer Theory.

RESULTS

Harm reduction and/or low threshold contexts provide a non-judgemental approach which support in-group norms of helping and empower the social identity of the trained and untrained bystander. This context also creates the conditions necessary for skills transfer and diffusion of the intervention into social networks. Stigma and negative attitudes held by first responders and stakeholders involved in the implementation process, such as police or GPs, can prohibit the bystander response by inducing fear in responding. This interferes with skills transfer, naloxone use and carriage of naloxone kits.

CONCLUSIONS

The findings provide theoretically informed guidance regarding the harm reduction contexts that are essential for the successful implementation of naloxone-based interventions. Peer-to-peer models of training are helpful as it reinforces social identity and successful skills transfer between bystanders. Health systems may want to assess the prevalence of, and take steps to reduce opioid-related stigma with key stakeholders in contexts using a low threshold training approach to build an environment  to support positive naloxone outcomes.

TRIAL REGISTRATION

PROSPERO 2019 CRD42019141003.

More than saving lives: Qualitative findings of the UNODC/WHO Stop Overdose Safely (S-O-S) project

BACKGROUND

The Stop Overdose Safely (S-O-S) initiative-developed in compliance with WHO guidelines-aims to prevent opioid overdose deaths. Under the umbrella of this initiative a multi-country project was implemented in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Ukraine, that involved overdose recognition and response training, including the provision of take-home naloxone (THN). More than 14,000 potential overdose witnesses were trained and more than 16,000 THN kits were distributed across the participating countries. This paper reports on the qualitative component of an evaluation aiming to understand the views and experiences of S-O-S project participants.

METHODS

Data were drawn from focus group discussions with 257 project participants from across all four countries, including people who use and inject drugs, and others likely to witness an opioid overdose. Data were analysed thematically.

RESULTS

Findings revealed how past experiences of trauma and loss related to overdose death were common, as was appreciation and gratitude for the opportunity to participate in the S-O-S training. Participants described how they shared knowledge and skills with others. Empowerment and destigmatising narratives featured prominently, and highlighted how for people who use drugs, feeling valued and cared about-not only by families and friends, but by health care providers, and sometimes police-was a positive outcome of their participation. Nevertheless, findings also revealed how real experiences of fear regarding police intervention was a barrier to carrying naloxone and intervening when faced with an overdose situation.

CONCLUSION

Our analysis found that the S-O-S project produced positive outcomes that go well beyond saving lives. Despite identifying barriers to THN uptake, our findings support a growing body of evidence that broad access to THN as part of a continuum of care can enhance the health and wellbeing of people who use drugs and their communities, in low- to middle-income countries.

Encountering Overdose: Examining the Contexts and Correlates of US College Students' Overdose Experiences

BACKGROUND

As overdose rates increase, it is critical to better understand the causes and contexts of overdose, particularly for college students who exhibit high rates of alcohol and drug use. The purpose of this study was to examine the social contexts of U.S. college students' overdose experiences (their own, witnessed, and family'/friends'), and to assess the correlates of personal overdose.

METHODS

A cross-sectional survey containing open- and closed-ended questions about overdose encounters was completed by undergraduate students at a southeastern American university (n = 1,236). Descriptive frequencies assessed prevalence, substance involvement, and fatalities associated with different encounter types. A content analysis of open-ended responses examined the social contexts of encounters. Multivariate logistic regression was used to assess the correlates of personal overdose.

RESULTS

Forty-one percent of respondents reported at least one type of overdose encounter and witnessed overdose was most common. Substances involved varied across encounter type and 20-40% of respondents reported overdose-related fatalities. Students who encountered overdose often reported multiple experiences and many attributed overdoses to mixing substances. Respondents commonly encountered overdose as intervening bystanders and overdose events were often perceived to be intentional or the result of using substances to cope with stress/mental health concerns. Personal overdose was significantly associated with having ever mixed alcohol with prescription drugs, been diagnosed with a mental disorder, witnessed an overdose, and had a family member/friend overdose.

CONCLUSION

Findings suggest a need for future research into the contexts and consequences of students' overdose encounters to more effectively tailor overdose prevention/response initiatives within college communities.

Using intervention mapping to develop 'ROSE': an intervention to support peer workers in overdose response settings

Background

Peer workers (those with lived/living experience of substance use working in overdose response settings) are at the forefront of overdose response initiatives in British Columbia (BC). Working in these settings can be stressful, with lasting social, mental and emotional impacts. Peer workers have also been disproportionately burdened by the current dual public health crises characterized by the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and rise in illicit drug overdose deaths. It is therefore critical to develop supports tailored specifically to their realities.

Methods

We used the six steps outlined in the Intervention Mapping (IM) framework to identify needs of peer workers and design an intervention model to support peer workers in overdose response settings.

Results

Eight peer-led focus groups were conducted in community settings to identify peer workers’ needs and transcripts were analyzed using interpretive description. The strategies within the intervention model were informed by organizational development theory as well as by lived/living experience of peer workers. The support needs identified by peer workers were categorized into three key themes and these formed the basis of an intervention model titled ‘ROSE’; R stands for Recognition of peer work, O for Organizational support, S for Skill development and E for Everyone. The ROSE model aims to facilitate cultural changes within organizations, leading towards more equitable and just workplaces for peer workers. This, in turn, has the potential for positive socio-ecological impact.

Conclusions

Centering lived/living experience in the intervention mapping process led us to develop a framework for supporting peer workers in BC. The ROSE model can be used as a baseline for other organizations employing peer workers.

Supplementary Information

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1186/s12913-021-07241-2.

Peer Support and Overdose Prevention Responses: A Systematic 'State-of-the-Art' Review

Overdose prevention for people who use illicit drugs is essential during the current overdose crisis. Peer support is a process whereby individuals with lived or living experience of a particular phenomenon provide support to others by explicitly drawing on these experiences. This review provides a systematic search and evidence synthesis of peer support within overdose prevention interventions for people who use illicit drugs. A systematic search of six databases (CINAHL, SocINDEX, PsycINFO, MEDLINE, Scopus, and Web of Knowledge) was conducted in November 2020 for papers published in English between 2000 and 2020. Following screening and full-text review, 46 papers met criteria and were included in this review. A thematic analysis approach was used to synthesize themes. Important findings include: the value of peers in creating trusted services; the diversity of peers' roles; the implications of barriers on peer-involved overdose prevention interventions; and the stress and trauma experienced by peers. Peers play a pivotal role in overdose prevention interventions for people who use illicit drugs and are essential to the acceptability and feasibility of such services. However, peers face considerable challenges within their roles, including trauma and burnout. Future interventions must consider how to support and strengthen peer roles in overdose settings.

Emotional reactions of trained overdose responders who use opioids following intervention in an overdose event

Background: Our aim was to explore emotional reactions to intervening in an overdose event from the perspective of individuals who use opioids (peer responders). In addition, we were interested in the impact this experience may have on peer responders' feelings about helping in an overdose situation in the future. Methods: For this qualitative sub-study of a randomized controlled trial (RCT), data from 61 interviews were analyzed thematically using an inductive approach. Results: Peer responders had diverse emotional reactions to the overdose event. These ranged from a sense of pride and other positive feelings associated with their ability to help to ambivalence about being involved in situations perceived as challenging and burdensome. There were few reports of the overdose event as an exclusively negative experience. Many peer responders perceived it as their duty to use naloxone again if required. However, some had ambivalent feelings toward this responsibility, which may be related to negative experiences with previous intervention efforts. Conclusions: The capacity of people who use opioids to help reduce the harms associated with opioid overdose is experienced as empowering by some. Nonetheless, engaging peer responders in strategies to reduce opioid-related mortality should be coupled with appropriate resources to process their experiences and emotional responses.

Legacies of the war on drugs: Next of kin of persons who died of opioid overdose and harm reduction interventions in Philadelphia

BACKGROUND

Between the years 2017-2019 in Philadelphia, more than 70% of all deaths from opioid overdose occurred in a private residence. To learn more about home-based opioid use and overdose, researchers conducted qualitative interviews with next of kin of overdose victims to learn their perceptions about the decedent's drug use and their opinions about city-led harm reduction efforts, specifically naloxone administration and collaborative efforts to open an overdose prevention site.

METHODS

In 2019, researchers conducted 35 qualitative interviews with next of kin of persons who died of opioid overdose in Philadelphia in 2017. Data were coded and analyzed using NVivo software.

RESULTS

Data reveal that while persons who use drugs may benefit from enhanced harm reduction interventions that target their family members and caregivers including naloxone education and public health messaging about overdose prevention, these efforts may be up against other realities that Philadelphia families navigate-in particular structural inequalities exacerbated by decades of "War on Drugs" policies.

CONCLUSION

Existing health disparities and structural barriers to care increase vulnerability to overdose and highlight the urgency to collaborate with impacted families and communities to design relevant harm reduction interventions. Without efforts to redress the consequences of war on drug policies, however, harm reduction interventions will not reach their full potential.

Organizational support for frontline harm reduction and systems navigation work among workers with living and lived experience: qualitative findings from British Columbia, Canada

BACKGROUND

The inclusion of people with lived and living experience of substance use is essential to effective and client-centered harm reduction services and strategies. The aim of this study is to critically examine and characterize peer worker roles and the definition, recognition, and support for these roles within harm reduction organizations.

METHODS

Fifteen interviews were conducted with peer workers-people with lived and living experience of substance use engaged in harm reduction service delivery-in British Columbia, Canada. An interpretive descriptive approach to data analysis was used to generate themes that best illustrated the roles of peer workers.

FINDINGS

Two interrelated and overarching themes are presented: (1) peer work in practice; (2) organizational support. Our findings illustrate that peer work is incredibly complex and demanding, requiring peers to be at the forefront of support within their communities while simultaneously navigating the oppressive structures within which they work. While peer workers found a high degree of purpose and meaning in their day-to-day work, their roles lacked definition within organizations, which produced feelings of ineffectiveness and being undervalued. A lack of organizational understanding and recognition of their roles was evident from unclear "peer" role titles, a lack of role communication and expectations, the representation of experiential knowledge, and a lack of role support and training.

CONCLUSIONS

These findings may help harm reduction organizations understand peer work and worker roles which may inform and promote equity in future harm reduction initiatives that include people with living and lived experience of substance use.

The implementation and role of a staff naloxone program for non-profit community-based sites in British Columbia: A descriptive study

INTRODUCTION

The BC Centre for Disease Control implemented the Facility Overdose Response Box (FORB) program December 1st, 2016 to train and support non-healthcare service providers who may respond to an overdose in the workplace. The program aims to support staff at non-profit community-based organizations by ensuring policy development, training, practice overdose response exercises, and post-overdose debriefing opportunities are established and implemented.

MATERIALS AND METHODS

Three data sources were used in this descriptive cross-sectional study: FORB site registration data; naloxone administration forms; and a survey that was distributed to FORB sites in February 2019. FORB program site and naloxone administration data from December 1st, 2016 to December 31st, 2019 were analyzed using descriptive statistics. A Cochran-Armitage test was used to assess trends over time in naloxone administration event characteristics. Site coordinator survey results are reported to supplement findings from administrative data.

RESULTS

As of December 31st, 2019, FORB was implemented at 613 sites across BC and 1,758 naloxone administration events were reported. The majority (86.3%, n = 1,517) were indicated as overdose reversals. At registration, 43.6% of sites provided housing services, 26.3% offered harm reduction supplies, and 18.6% provided Take Home Naloxone. Refusal to be transported to hospital following overdose events when emergency services were called showed an increasing trend over time. Most respondents (81.3%) reported feeling confident in their ability to respond to the overdose and 59.6% were offered staff debrief. Based on the 89 site survey responses, supports most commonly made available following an overdose were debrief with a fellow staff member (91.0%), debrief with a supervisor (89.9%), and/or counselling services (84.3%).

CONCLUSIONS

The uptake of the FORB program has contributed to hundreds of overdose reversals in community settings in BC. Findings suggest that the FORB program supports developing staff preparedness and confidence in overdose response in community-based settings.

Decision-making by laypersons equipped with an emergency response smartphone app for opioid overdose

BACKGROUND

Targeted naloxone distribution to potential lay responders increases the timeliness of overdose response and reduces mortality. Little is known, however, about the patterns of decision-making among overdose lay responders. This study explored heuristic decision-making among laypersons equipped with an emergency response smartphone app.

METHODS

UnityPhilly, a smartphone app that connects lay responders equipped with naloxone to overdose victims, was piloted in Philadelphia from March 2019 to February 2020. Participants used the app to signal overdose alerts to peer app users and emergency medical services, or respond to alerts by arriving at overdose emergency sites. This study utilised in-depth interviews, background information, and app use data from a sample of 18 participants with varying histories of opioid use and levels of app use activity.

RESULTS

The sample included 8 people who used opioids non-medically in the past 30 days and 10 people reporting no opioid misuse. Three prevailing, not mutually exclusive, heuristics were identified. The heuristic of unconditional signalling ("Always signal for help or backup") was used by 7 people who valued external assistance and used the app as a replacement for a 911 call; this group had the highest number of signalled alerts and on-scene appearances. Nine people, who expressed confidence in their ability to address an overdose themselves, followed a heuristic of conditional signalling ("Rescue, but only signal if necessary"); these participants had the highest frequency of prior naloxone administrations. Eleven participants used the heuristic of conditional responding ("Assess if I can make a difference"), addressing an alert if they carried naloxone, were nearby, or received a signal before dark hours.

CONCLUSION

The deployment of specific heuristics was influenced by prior naloxone use and situational factors. Success of overdose prevention interventions assisted by digital technologies may depend on the involvement of people with diverse overdose rescue backgrounds.

"Running myself ragged": stressors faced by peer workers in overdose response settings

Background

Peer workers or “peers” (workers with past or present drug use experience) are at the forefront of overdose response initiatives, and their role is essential in creating safe spaces for people who use drugs (PWUD). Working in overdose response settings has benefits for peer workers but is also stressful, with lasting emotional and mental health effects. Yet, little is known about the stressors peer workers face and what interventions can be implemented to support them in their roles.

Methods

This project used a community-based sequential mixed-methods research design. Eight peer researcher-led focus groups (n = 31) were conducted between November 2018 and March 2019 to assess needs of peer workers. The transcripts were thematically coded and analysed using interpretative description. These results informed a survey, which was conducted (n = 50) in September 2019 to acquire quantitative data on peer workers’ perception of health, quality of life, working conditions and stressors. Frequency distributions were used to describe characteristics of participants. X² distribution values with Yates correction were conducted to check for association between variables.

Results

Five themes emerged from the focus groups that point to stressors felt by peer workers: (1) financial insecurity; (2) lack of respect and recognition at work; (3) housing challenges; (4) inability to access and/or refer individuals to resources; and (5) constant exposure to death and trauma. Consistent with this, the factors that survey participants picked as one of their “top three stressors” included financial situation, work situation, and housing challenges.

Conclusion

Peer workers are faced with a diversity of stressors in their lives which often reflect societal stigmatization of drug use. Recognition of these systemic stressors is critical in designing interventions to ease the emotional, physical and financial burden faced by peer workers.

A qualitative study of repeat naloxone administrations during opioid overdose intervention by people who use opioids in New York City

BACKGROUND

Take-home naloxone (THN) kits have been designed to provide community members (including people who use drugs, their families and/or significant others) with the necessary resources to address out-of-hospital opioid overdose events. Kits typically include two doses of naloxone. This 'twin-pack' format means that lay responders need information on how to use each dose. Advice given tends to be based on dosage algorithms used by medical personnel. However, little is currently known about how and why people who use drugs, acting as lay responders, decide to administer the second dose contained within single THN kits. The aim of this article is to explore this issue.

METHODS

Data were generated from a qualitative semi-structured interview study that was embedded within a randomised controlled trial examining the risks and benefits of Overdose Education and Naloxone Distribution (OEND) training in New York City (NYC). Analysis for this article focuses upon the experiences of 22 people who use(d) opioids and who provided repeat naloxone administrations (RNA) during 24 separate overdose events. The framework method of analysis was used to compare the time participants believed had passed between each naloxone dose administered ('subjective response interval') with the 'recommended response interval' (2-4 minutes) given during OEND training. Framework analysis also charted the various reasons and rationale for providing RNA during overdose interventions.

RESULTS

When participants' subjective response intervals were compared with the recommended response interval for naloxone dosing, three different time periods were reported for the 24 overdose events: i. 'two doses administered in under 2 minutes' (n = 10); ii. 'two doses administered within 2-4 minutes' (n = 7), and iii. 'two doses administered more than 4 minutes apart' (n = 7). A variety of reasons were identified for providing RNA within each of the three categories of response interval. Collectively, reasons for RNA included panic, recognition of urgency, delays in retrieving naloxone kit, perceptions of recipients' responsiveness/non-responsiveness to naloxone, and avoidance of Emergency Response Teams (ERT).

CONCLUSION

Findings suggest that decision-making processes by people who use opioids regarding how and when to provide RNA are influenced by factors that relate to the emergency event. In addition, the majority of RNA (17/24) occurred outside of the recommended response interval taught during OEND training. These findings are discussed in terms of evidence-based intervention and 'evidence-making intervention' with suggestions for how RNA guidance may be developed and included within future/existing models of OEND training.

Reasons People Who Use Opioids Do Not Accept or Carry No-Cost Naloxone: Qualitative Interview Study

BACKGROUND

Many people use opioids and are at risk of overdose. Naloxone is an opioid antagonist used to counter the effects of opioid overdose. There is an increased availability of naloxone in New York City; however, many who use opioids decline no-cost naloxone even when offered. Others may have the medication but opt not to carry it and report that they would be reluctant to administer it if they were to witness an overdose.

OBJECTIVE

We aim to better understand why people who use opioids may be reluctant to accept, carry, and administer naloxone, and to inform the development of messaging content that addresses barriers to its acceptance and use.

METHODS

We conducted formative qualitative interviews with 20 people who use opioids who are 18 years and older in New York City. Participants were recruited via key informants and chain referral.

RESULTS

Participants cited 4 main barriers that may impede rates of naloxone acceptance, possession, and use: (1) stigma related to substance use, (2) indifference toward overdose, (3) fear of negative consequences of carrying naloxone, and (4) fear of misrecognizing the need for naloxone. Participants also offered suggestions about messaging content to tackle the identified barriers, including messages designed to normalize naloxone possession and use, encourage shared responsibility for community health, and elicit empathy for people who use drugs. Taken together, participants' narratives hold implications for the following potential messaging content: (1) naloxone is short-acting, and withdrawal sickness does not have to be long-lasting; (2) it is critical to accurately identify an opioid-involved overdose; (3) anyone can overdose; (4) naloxone cannot do harm; and (5) the prompt administration of the medication can help ensure that someone can enjoy another day. Finally, participants suggested that messaging should also debunk myths and stereotypes about people who use drugs more generally; people who use opioids who reverse overdoses should be framed as lay public health advocates and not just "others" to be managed with stigmatizing practices and language.

CONCLUSIONS

It must be made a public health priority to get naloxone to people who use opioids who are best positioned to reverse an overdose, and to increase the likelihood that they will carry naloxone and use it when needed. Developing, tailoring, and deploying messages to address stigma, indifference toward overdose, fear and trepidation about reversing an overdose, and fear of police involvement may help alleviate fears among some people who are reluctant to obtain naloxone and use the medication on someone in an overdose situation.

Essential work, precarious labour: The need for safer and equitable harm reduction work in the era of COVID-19

This commentary highlights labour concerns and inequities within the harm reduction sector that hinder programs' ability to respond to converging public health emergencies (the overdose crisis and COVID-19), and potentially contribute to spread of the novel coronavirus. Many harm reduction programs continue to support people who use illicit drugs (PWUD) during the pandemic, yet PWUD working in harm reduction programs (sometimes termed 'peers') experience precarious labour conditions characterized by low wages, minimal employee benefits (such as paid sick leave) and high employment insecurity. Along with precarious labour conditions, PWUD face heightened vulnerabilities to COVID-19 and yet have been largely overlooked in global response to the pandemic. Operating under conditions of economic and legal precarity, harm reduction programs' reliance on precarious labour (e.g. on-call, temporary and unpaid work) renders some services vulnerable to staffing shortages and service disruptions during the pandemic, while also heightening the risk of virus transmission among workers, service users and their communities. We call for immediate policy and programmatic actions to strengthen working conditions within these settings with a priority on enhancing protections and supports for workers in peer roles.

Overdose response among trained and untrained women with a history of illicit drug use: a mixed-methods examination

Little is known about differences in bystander behavior among people who use drugs, trained and untrained in opioid overdose prevention. We examined three types of recommended overdose response - a 911 call, rescue breathing/CPR, and naloxone administration-among Philadelphia-based, predominantly street-involved women with a history of illicit drug use. The study utilized a convergent mixed methods approach integrating data from 186 quantitative survey responses and 38 semi-structured qualitative interviews. Quantitative findings revealed that compared to untrained women, trained women were more likely to administer naloxone (32.9% vs. 5.2%) and use two recommended responses (20.0% vs. 9.5%). No significant differences were found between the two groups in calling 911 or using rescue breathing/CPR. Qualitative findings indicated that barriers to enacting recommended overdose response were either structural or situational and included the avoidance of police, inability to carry naloxone or phone due to unstable housing, and perceived lack of safety on the streets and when interacting with strangers. Our study demonstrated that overdose training improved the frequency of naloxone administration among this sample of predominantly street-involved women. Future efforts need to focus on avoiding intrusive policing, scaling-up naloxone refill sites, and providing secondary naloxone distribution via drug user networks.

"Generally, you get 86'ed because you're a liability": An application of Integrated Threat Theory to frequently witnessed overdoses and social distancing responses

While rates of opioid overdose deaths in North American have increased exponentially in recent years, most overdoses are not fatal, especially when witnesses are present and can intervene. Previous research has found that some people who use drugs [PWUDs] trained in overdose response might cut social ties with frequent overdosers, leading to more solitary opioid use and risk of death if someone overdoses alone. To examine the phenomenon of social distancing of people who overdose frequently, we used data from fifty-two in-depth qualitative interviews collected in Southern California with PWUDs who had recently witnessed an opioid overdose. Transcripts were reviewed and coded thematically, using the Integrated Threat Theory (ITT) to conceptualize the observed phenomenon. ITT outlines how realistic and symbolic threats are experienced by a group. We found that while some participants acknowledged the role of adulterated street drugs in overdoses, individualized blame was nonetheless imposed. Accusations of careless drug use practices fostered negative stereotyping towards frequent overdosers. This was attributed to the need to summon 911 for rescue, which often resulted in police dispatch. The intergroup relationship between police and PWUDs is precarious as police pose realistic threats onto PWUDs - such as incarceration, eviction, and manslaughter charges - leading to intragroup anxiety among PWUDs about future overdose events, and labelled frequent overdosers as liabilities. These threats, and inter/intra-group conflict, explained one reason how and why non-fatal overdoses led to social distancing events. People who overdose frequently were also accused of breaking the norm of drug user surreptitiousness; a symbolic threat that endangered the group due to police exposure. Social distancing might dampen exposure to the protective effect of peer-led interventions such as take-home naloxone programs, increasing risk of overdose death. This phenomenon highlights how intergroup dynamics are driving intragroup processes. Suggestions for tailoring public health interventions are discussed.

"You've got to care to carry this stuff" Community implications from take-home naloxone use: A qualitative study

BACKGROUND

In New Mexico, drug overdose rates have been among the highest in the nation for the past two decades, with 332 overdose deaths involving opioids in 2017. While interventions aimed at enhancing distribution and uptake of take-home naloxone (THN) have identified people who use opioids as viable candidates, there exists a gap in applying these findings to underserved, ethnic minority women.

METHODS

We conducted qualitative interviews with participants recruited from a parent study which recruited 395 women diagnosed with OUD who participated in a two year study (April 2016-May 2018) during which they received opioid overdose education and two free THN kits for their use.

RESULTS

Findings characterize the social dynamics of persistent opioid exposure, accidental overdose, and take home naloxone use to reverse overdose, and we identified three overarching themes: 1) Crisis management and community responsibility; 2) Complex social networks as informal channels for family to family and peer to peer naloxone distribution and education; and 3) Participant preferences and strategies for THN distribution and education.

CONCLUSIONS

Participants in the ASAP program demonstrated an unquestionable willingness to distribute naloxone when they had access to it, and the ability to replace it. Further research is warranted to apply these findings in interventional contexts to refine strategies toward prioritizing distribution of THN, enhance training tools and optimize community locations for engagement.

Not what the doctor ordered: Motivations for nonmedical prescription drug use among people who use illegal drugs

BACKGROUND

Nonmedical Prescription Drug Use (NMPDU) is common among people who use illegal drugs. NMPDU is particularly problematic among this population however, as medications such as benzodiazepines and gabapentinoids can potentiate the harmful effects of opioids. Despite these harms, there is some evidence that NMPDU can have harm reducing and therapeutic potential for some people who use illegal drugs. This study provides further evidence of the harm reducing motives for NMPDU among people who use illegal drugs in community and prison settings in Wales, UK.

METHODS

In depth, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 60 interviewees recruited from statutory and third sector drug treatment providers operating in five towns and cities in Wales, and from two Welsh prisons. Eligibility was based primarily on whether the person was currently (or previously) a user of illegal drugs and had recent experience of NMPDU.

RESULTS

NMPDU was found to be largely driven by insufficient access to certain prescription medications and treatment. In this context, NMPDU played an important role in alleviating legitimate medical concerns and overcoming logistical and regulatory barriers associated with Opioid Substitution Therapy. NMPDU also had everyday practicality and mitigated many of the everyday harms experienced by people who use drugs, including opioid withdrawal and stimulant comedowns.

CONCLUSION

Results suggest that NMPDU has the potential to mitigate a number of legitimate medical concerns in the absence of treatment. Finding nuanced ways of responding to patient need whilst reducing the potential for NMPDU are therefore needed, and harm reduction strategies that harness the knowledge and expertise of people who use drugs should be encouraged. Additional policy measures that attend to the inequities and social-structural factors that produce and maintain the need to consume prescription medications in ways that are not intended are also required.

Characteristics of Patients With Opioid Use Disorder Associated With Performing Overdose Reversals in the Community: An Opioid Treatment Program Analysis

OBJECTIVE

The primary outcome of this study is to identify characteristics of study participants in a large opioid treatment program (OTP) for opioid use disorder (OUD) who used take-home naloxone to perform 1 or more opioid overdose (OD) reversal(s) in the community.

METHODS

This 6-month prospective cohort study provided take-home naloxone and opioid OD education for 287 study participants with OUD. Characteristics associated with use of the take-home naloxone were determined from among 16 variables using multivariable logistic regression.

RESULTS

The study participants who had greater odds of using the take-home naloxone to perform OD reversals, compared to those who did not use the take-home naloxone, (a) received emergency room care themselves for OD (OR = 4.89, 95% CI 1.54-15.52, P = 0.007), (b) previously witnessed someone else OD (OR = 5.67, 95% CI 1.24-25.87, P = 0.025), (c) tested positive for 2 or more illicit substances at their 6-month urine analysis (OR = 5.26, 95% CI 1.58-17.54, P = 0.007) or were missing their 6-month urine analysis (OR = 3.46, 95% CI 1.42-8.43, P = 0.006). In addition, they had greater odds of being (d) less than 30 years old (OR = 2.80, 95% CI 1.02-7.66, P = 0.045), and (e) Hispanic (OR = 3.98, 95% CI 1.41-11.21, P = 0.009).

CONCLUSIONS

This study prospectively identified several characteristics of patients enrolled in an OTP with increased odds of using take-home naloxone in their social networks. Future harm reduction efforts may benefit by using targeted characteristics to identify those most likely to use naloxone in their communities.

Protocol for a multi-site study of the effects of overdose prevention education with naloxone distribution program in Skåne County, Sweden

BACKGROUND

Continuously high rates of overdose deaths in Sweden led to the decision by the Skåne County to initiate the first regional take-home naloxone program in Sweden. The project aims to study the effect of overdose prevention education and naloxone distribution on overdose mortality in Skåne County. Secondary outcome measures include non-fatal overdoses and overdose-related harm in the general population, as well as cohort-specific effects in study participants regarding overdoses, mortality and retention in naloxone program.

METHODS

Implementation of a multi-site train-the-trainer cascade model was launched in June 2018. Twenty four facilities, including opioid substitution treatment units, needle exchange programs and in-patient addiction units were included for the first line of start-up, aspiring to reach a majority of individuals at-risk within the first 6 months. Serving as self-sufficient naloxone hubs, these units provide training, naloxone distribution and study recruitment. During 3 years, questionnaires are obtained from initial training, follow up, every sixth month, and upon refill. Estimated sample size is 2000 subjects. Naloxone distribution rates are reported, by each unit, every 6 months. Medical diagnoses, toxicological raw data and data on mortality and cause of death will be collected from national and regional registers, both for included naloxone recipients and for the general population. Data on vital status and treatment needs will be collected from registers of emergency and prehospital care.

DISCUSSION

Despite a growing body of literature on naloxone distribution, studies on population effect on mortality are scarce. Most previous studies and reports have been uncontrolled, thus not being able to link naloxone distribution to survival, in relation to a comparison period. As Swedish registers present the opportunity to monitor individuals and entire populations over time, conditions for conducting systematic follow-ups in the Swedish population are good, serving the opportunity to study the impact of large scale overdose prevention education and naloxone distribution and thus fill the knowledge gap.

TRIAL REGISTRATION

Naloxone Treatment in Skåne County - Effect on Drug-related Mortality and Overdose-related Complications, NCT03570099, registered on 26 June 2018.

One opioid user saving another: the first study of an opioid overdose-reversal and naloxone distribution program addressing hard-to-reach drug scenes in Denmark

Background

Overdose education and naloxone distribution programs decrease opioid overdose deaths. However, no studies of such programs have been carried out in Denmark. The aim of this study was to evaluate the feasibility and the effect of a broader “training-the-trainers” model in low-threshold settings after participation in the “Danish Save Lives” [SL] program.

Methods

Between May 2013 and November 2015, 552 participants from four municipalities took part in the SL program. The program is built on the train-the-trainers model where a central trainer trains others (trainers), who in turn train others (helpers). Participants were 30 police officers (5%), 188 people who use opioids (34%), 23 significant others (4%), and 217 social workers (39%). Ninety-four participants could not be classified (17%). At follow-up, participants were interviewed to determine the number and outcomes of opioid overdoses. Logistic regression was used to assess predictors of treating an overdose.

Results

In all, 37 (7%) participants had intervened in 45 opioid overdose events (two trainers and 35 helpers). Detailed descriptions of the overdose event were available from 32 follow-up interviews (70%). In 16 cases, the person who intervened was already present at the site when the overdose occurred, and in 17 cases, the overdose victim recovered without complications. All overdose victims survived except one. People who used opioids were more likely to have treated an overdose than other participants (adjusted odds ratio [AOR] = 8.50, p = 0.001), and the likelihood of treating and overdose declined over time AOR = 0.37 (0.13, 0.93), p = 0.034).

Conclusions

Prevention programs that target people who use opioids are more likely to be effective than programs that target professionals, especially in high-risk settings that can be hard for paramedics to reach. A future goal is to explore how prevention programs can be adapted to new user groups.

Trial registration

The Danish Data Protection Agency, 2015-57-0002, Aarhus University, 2016-051-000001, 184, retrospectively registered

Post-overdose interventions triggered by calling 911: Centering the perspectives of people who use drugs (PWUDs)

Background

Opioid overdose deaths have increased exponentially in the United States. Bystander response to opioid overdose ideally involves administering naloxone, providing rescue breathing, and calling 911 to summon emergency medical assistance. Recently in the US, public health and public safety agencies have begun seeking to use 911 calls as a method to identify and deliver post-overdose interventions to opioid overdose patients. Little is known about the opinions of PWUDs about the barriers, benefits, or potential harms of post-overdose interventions linked to the 911 system. We sought to understand the perspectives of PWUDs about a method for using 911 data to identify opioid overdose cases and trigger a post-overdose intervention.

Methods and findings

We conducted three focus groups with 11 PWUDs in 2018. Results are organized into 4 categories: willingness to call 911 (benefits and risks of calling), thoughts about a technique to identify opioid overdoses in 911 data (benefits and concerns), thoughts about the proposed post-overdose intervention (benefits and concerns), and recommendations for developing an ideal post-overdose intervention. For most participants, calling 911 was synonymous with “calling the police” and law enforcement-related fears were pervasive, limiting willingness to engage with the 911 system. The technique to identify opioid overdoses and the proposed post-overdose intervention were identified as potentially lifesaving, but the benefits were balanced by concerns related to law enforcement involvement, intervention timing, and risks to privacy/reputation. Nearly universally, participants wished for a way to summon emergency medical assistance without triggering a law enforcement response.

Conclusions

The fact that the 911 system in the US inextricably links emergency medical assistance with law enforcement response inherently problematizes calling 911 for PWUDs, and has implications for surveillance and intervention. It is imperative to center the perspectives of PWUDs when designing and implementing interventions that rely on the 911 system for activation.

'It's too much, I'm getting really tired of it': Overdose response and structural vulnerabilities among harm reduction workers in community settings

BACKGROUND

In response to the devastating overdose epidemic across Canada, overdose education and naloxone distribution programs (OEND) targeted at people who use drugs have been scaled-up. The ways in which people who use drugs (PWUD) - who experience social and structural vulnerabilities due to their drug use - enact advice from these health education campaigns remains underexplored. This study examines structural vulnerabilities that constrain PWUD as they attempt to implement OEND program advice.

METHODS

Data were drawn from an ethnographic study of "Satellite Sites", a program where PWUD are employed by a community health center to operate satellite harm reduction programs within their homes. Data collection included participant observation within the Satellite Sites, complemented by semi-structured interviews and a focus group with Satellite Site workers. Thematic analysis was used to explore impacts of responding to overdose.

RESULTS

OEND advice includes not injecting alone, carrying naloxone, and calling 911 if overdose occurs. The ability of Satellite Site workers to respond according to public health guidelines is complicated by contextual and structural factors, including a lack of supervised injection services, vulnerability to eviction, and continued criminalization of drug use. Participants described how responding to increasing numbers of overdoses was stressful, with stress compounded by their close relationships with those who were overdosing. These factors were impacting the willingness of Satellite Site workers to continue to supervise drug use.

CONCLUSION

OEND programs are essential and effective; however, they are a response to a crisis within a policy and legal environment framed by the criminalization of drug use. Efforts to expand access to complementary interventions, such as supervised injection services, safer supply interventions, and protection against evictions, are necessary to complement OEND programs and address multiple contextual factors within the risk environment for overdose. Additionally, criminalization will continue to impede and constrain the public health response to drug use.

From risky places to safe spaces: Re-assembling spaces and places in Vancouver's Downtown Eastside

Vancouver's Downtown Eastside (DTES) neighbourhood is commonly associated with stigmatized and criminalized activities and attendant risks and harms. Many spaces/places in this urban neighbourhood are customarily portrayed and experienced as risky and harmful, and are implicated in experiences of structural (and physical) violence and marginalization. Drawing on 50 qualitative interviews, this paper explores how spaces/places frequently used by structurally vulnerable people who use drugs (PWUD) in the DTES that are commonly associated with risk and harm (e.g., alleyways, parks) can be re-imagined and re-constructed as enabling safety and wellbeing. Study participants recounted both negative and positive experiences with particular spaces/places, suggesting the possibility of making these locations less risky and safer. Our findings demonstrate how spaces/places used by PWUD in this particular geographical context can be understood as assemblages, a variety of human and nonhuman forces - such as material objects, actors, processes, affect, temporal elements, policies and practices - drawn together in unique ways that produce certain effects (risk/harm or safety/wellbeing). Conceptualizing these spaces/places as assemblages provides a means to better understand how experiences of harm, or conversely wellbeing, unfold, and sheds light on how risky spaces/places can be re-assembled as spaces/places that enable safety and wellbeing.