Perceived negative consequences of donor gametes from male and female members of infertile couples

Gender differences in behaviors toward acceptance of donor egg, sperm, and embryo in Northern Thai infertile couples

OBJECTIVE

This study aimed to examine the behavior towards the acceptance of donor egg, donor sperm, and donor embryo of Northern Thai infertile couples, separated between men and women.

METHODS

A cross-sectional study was conducted at the CMEx Fertility Center, Chiang Mai, Thailand. The questionnaires consisted of sociodemographic questions and the acceptance of couples toward donor egg, sperm and embryo. The couples filled in the answers separately.

RESULTS

A total of 250 infertile couples were assessed. There were no differences in the acceptance rate of donor egg, sperm and embryo between the men and the women. Male acceptance rates were 25.6%, 18.8%, and 18.8%, respectively; while female acceptance rates were 24.4%, 18.4%, and 19.2%, respectively. Most couples (over 70%) concordantly rejected the donation program. Around 10% of couples had discordant answers. The concordance accepted for couples for donor egg, sperm and embryo was only 20%, 13.2%, and 14.8%. Older people and those who had been infertile for a longer period were significantly more likely to accept donation programs.

CONCLUSIONS

There is no difference concerning the acceptance of donor gametes and embryo among men and women. Most participants reject the utilization of donor programs, the overall acceptance rate is relatively low. This may indicate the need for more adequate information and education for the community to enhance prevention programs rather than focus on the treatment with donor gametes or embryos.

Decisional conflict among couples seeking specialty treatment for infertility in the USA: a longitudinal exploratory study

STUDY QUESTION

What are couples' decisional conflicts around family-building approaches before and after seeking a specialty consultation for infertility?

SUMMARY ANSWER

Decisional conflict is high among couples before an initial specialty consultation for infertility; on average, women resolved decisional conflict more quickly than men.

WHAT IS KNOWN ALREADY

Couples have multiple options for addressing infertility, and decisional conflict may arise due to lack of information, uncertainty about options and potential risks or challenges to personal values.

STUDY DESIGN, SIZE, DURATION

We conducted a total of 385 interviews and 405 surveys for this longitudinal, mixed-methods cohort study of 34 opposite-sex couples who sought a new reproductive specialty consultation (n = 68), who enrolled before the initial consultation and were followed over 12 months.

PARTICIPANTS/MATERIALS, SETTING, METHODS

The in-depth, semi-structured interviews included questions about information gathering, deliberation and decision-making, and self-administered surveys included the Decisional Conflict Scale (DCS), at six time points over 12 months. A DCS total score of 25 is associated with implementing a decision, and higher scores indicate more decisional conflict. A systematic content analysis of interview transcripts identified major themes. Paired t tests identified differences in DCS between women and men within couples. Linear mixed models predicted changes in DCS over time, adjusting for sociodemographic and fertility-related factors.

MAIN RESULTS AND THE ROLE OF CHANCE

The major qualitative themes were communication with partners, feeling supported and/or pressured in decision (s), changing decisions over time and ability to execute a desired decision. Average DCS scores were highest before the initial consultation. Within couples, men had significantly higher decisional conflict than women pre-consultation (48.9 versus 40.2, P = 0.037) and at 2 months (28.9 versus 22.1, P = 0.015), but differences at other time points were not significant. In adjusted models, predicted DCS scores declined over time, with women, on average, reaching the DCS threshold for implementing a decision at 2 months while for men it was not until 4 months.

LIMITATIONS, REASONS FOR CAUTION

This is a convenience sample from a single center, and generalizability may be limited.

WIDER IMPLICATIONS OF THE FINDINGS

Understanding how couples discuss and make decisions regarding family-building could improve the delivery of patient-centered infertility care. Our findings are the first to prospectively explore decisional conflict at multiple time points in both men and women; the observed gender differences underlie the importance of supporting both partners in clinical decision-making for infertility.

STUDY FUNDING/COMPETING INTEREST(S)

This work was supported by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development under Grant [R21HD071332], the Research and Education Program Fund, of the Advancing a Healthier Wisconsin endowment at Medical College of Wisconsin, the National Research Service Award under Grant [T32 HP10030] and the use of REDCap for data collection from the National Center for Advancing Translational Sciences, National Institutes of Health under Grant through [8UL1TR000055]. The authors have no competing interests.

'Genes versus children': if the goal is parenthood, are we using the optimal approach?

First medical contact for couples trying for a child will usually emphasise the array of assistance available to ‘help them have their own child’, usually with options involving ART, after diagnosis. For many poorer prognosis couples, this means repetitive unsuccessful cycles of invasive and stressful treatment. What is sometimes lost at this stage is a reflection on the likelihood of success of different options, which may lead patients to focus on hoping for their own ‘genetic’ progeny, but failing to consider the alternative and potentially more successful other options, including donation and adoption, for achieving parenthood of a child. Factors not only such as female age but also advanced requirements such as preimplantation genetic testing or even mitochondrial replacement therapies all have reduced chances of success but further tend to reinforce the importance of a genetic link. The financial, physical and psychosocial burden associated with cumulative failure also lead to a higher probability of dropout and consequently an even higher probability of remaining in involuntary childlessness. We advocate formulation of a detailed roadmap for discussion of parenthood, with reference explanation to genetics and epigenetics, which gives due consideration to the psychological effects from the beginning to end of the treatment process, alongside a balanced consideration of the likelihood of treatment success and discussion of other options. Only when we provide patients with the service of a clear and transparent discussion of these matters, we will really realise the true potential of our field, which may then be better considered as assisted families.

Reprint: Where has the quest for conception taken us? Lessons from anthropology and sociology

Louise Brown, the world's first test-tube baby, was born more than 40 years ago in England. For Louise Brown's infertile mother, Lesley, in-vitro fertilization (IVF) was the 'hope technology' which allowed her to overcome her tubal infertility after 9 years of heart-breaking involuntary childlessness. Since then, IVF has travelled to diverse global locations, where millions of individuals and couples have embarked on technologically assisted 'quests for conception'. After 40 years of IVF, where has the quest for conception taken us? This article outlines seven major global trajectories - namely, that the quest for conception has become more: (i) technological, because of a profusion of IVF-based innovations; (ii) masculine, because of men's eager uptake of intracytoplasmic sperm injection, their own 'masculine hope technology'; (iii) stratified, due to persistent race- and class-based barriers in IVF access; (iv) transnational, as infertile and other involuntarily childless people search across borders to overcome restrictions in their home countries; (v) selective, as IVF-based reprogenetic technologies eliminate genetic disease while exacerbating sex selection; (vi) moral, as religious sensibilities both accommodate and curtail the possibilities and outcomes of assisted reproductive technology (ART); and (vii) extended, as new cryopreservation technologies prolong the reproductive lifespan and extend reproduction to the transgender community. The article concludes with thoughts on where future quests for conception might take us, and why IVF and other reproductive technologies are 'good to think with' in both the anthropology and sociology of reproduction.

Where has the quest for conception taken us? Lessons from anthropology and sociology

Louise Brown, the world's first test-tube baby, was born more than 40 years ago in England. For Louise Brown's infertile mother, Lesley, in-vitro fertilization (IVF) was the 'hope technology' which allowed her to overcome her tubal infertility after 9 years of heart-breaking involuntary childlessness. Since then, IVF has travelled to diverse global locations, where millions of individuals and couples have embarked on technologically assisted 'quests for conception'. After 40 years of IVF, where has the quest for conception taken us? This article outlines seven major global trajectories - namely, that the quest for conception has become more: (i) technological, because of a profusion of IVF-based innovations; (ii) masculine, because of men's eager uptake of intracytoplasmic sperm injection, their own 'masculine hope technology'; (iii) stratified, due to persistent race- and class-based barriers in IVF access; (iv) transnational, as infertile and other involuntarily childless people search across borders to overcome restrictions in their home countries; (v) selective, as IVF-based reprogenetic technologies eliminate genetic disease while exacerbating sex selection; (vi) moral, as religious sensibilities both accommodate and curtail the possibilities and outcomes of assisted reproductive technology (ART); and (vii) extended, as new cryopreservation technologies prolong the reproductive lifespan and extend reproduction to the transgender community. The article concludes with thoughts on where future quests for conception might take us, and why IVF and other reproductive technologies are 'good to think with' in both the anthropology and sociology of reproduction.

Beliefs, attitudes and funding of assisted reproductive technology: Public perception of over 6,000 respondents from 6 European countries

Background

Fertility rates in Europe are among the lowest in the world, which may be attributed to both biological and lifestyle factors. Cost and reimbursement of fertility treatments vary across Europe, although its citizens enjoy wide access to fertility care. Since few regional studies evaluating public support for fertility treatment exist, we conducted the Listening IVF and Fertility in Europe (LIFE) survey to ascertain public perception of in vitro fertilization (IVF) and gamete donation as a treatment for infertility among European men and women.

Methods and findings

This survey was distributed via an online questionnaire to 8,682 individuals who were voluntary participants in an online research panel residing in France, Germany, Italy, Spain, Sweden, or the UK. The survey covered items to determine respondents’ beliefs regarding IVF and its success, the need for public funding, the use of IVF among modern families with different lifestyles, and the support for gamete donation. Results were analyzed by age, country of origin, sex, and sexual orientation. A total of 6,110 (70% of total) men and women responded. Among all respondents, 10% had undergone IVF treatment and 48% had considered or would consider IVF in case of infertility. Respondents estimated IVF mean success rate to be 47% and over half of respondents believed that availability of IVF would encourage people to delay conception. Although 93% of respondents believed that IVF treatment should be publicly funded to some extent, a majority believed that secondary infertility or use of fertility treatments allowing to delay parenthood should be financed privately. Survey respondents believed that the mean number of stimulated IVF cycles funded publicly should be limited 2 to 3 (average 2.4). 79% of respondents were willing to pay for IVF if needed with a mean amount of 5,400 € for a child brought to life through IVF. According to respondents, mean minimum and maximum ages for IVF should be 29 and 42 years old, respectively. The current survey showed support for egg and sperm donation (78%), for IVF in single women (61%) and for same-sex female couples (64%). When analyzing the results per group (i.e., sex, age, sexual orientation, and countries), youngest age groups, homosexuals, bisexuals, German respondents, and men had similar overall positive attitudes and beliefs toward IVF and opinions on public funding. Perceived limits to availability were stronger in women.

Conclusion

Overall, the survey results demonstrate a positive attitude among respondents in an online panel toward IVF, gamete donation, and support for public funding for fertility treatment. These findings could potentially drive discussions between patients and prescribers to explore IVF treatment and among legislators and payers to support public funding for these procedures.

Who requests their sperm donor's identity? The first ten years of information releases to adults with open-identity donors

OBJECTIVE

To report findings from 10 years of requests from adults eligible to obtain their open-identity sperm donor's information.

DESIGN

Analysis of archived family and donor data. Semistructured interviews at information releases.

SETTING

Not applicable.

PATIENT(S)

A total of 85 DI adults requesting 43 donor identities; program data on 256 DI families.

INTERVENTION(S)

None.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE(S)

We identified [1] demographic predictors of requesting donor identities, [2] information release timing and length, and [3] request motives.

RESULT(S)

Just >35% of eligible DI adults requested their donor's identity. Adults ranged from 18-27 years, requesting at median age 18 years. More women than men requested. Proportionally fewer adults requested when they had heterosexual-couple parents, and proportionally more when they had one rather than two parents. In interviews, the common theme was wanting to know more about the donor, especially about shared characteristics. Most adults planned to contact their donor. More than 94% of adults had donors who were open to contact; adults expressed modest expectations about this contact.

CONCLUSION(S)

In 2001, the first adults became eligible to obtain their open-identity sperm donor's information. Ten years of identity requests at one program indicates that information about one's donor is important to a significant proportion of these DI adults. Most requested their donor's identity soon after becoming eligible, suggesting some urgency to wanting the information. Interview data highlighted the role of donor information in helping adults better understand themselves and their ancestry. Findings hold important implications for practice and policy.

The epidemiology of male infertility

The purpose of this review is to integrate understanding of epidemiology and infertility. A primer on epidemiologic science and an example disease for which the design of epidemiologic investigations is readily apparent are provided. Key features of infertility that limit epidemiologic investigation are described and a survey of available data on the epidemiology of infertility provided. Finally, the work that must be completed to move this area of research forward is proposed, and, with this new perspective of "infertility as a disease," improvements envisioned in public health that may be gained through improved understanding of the epidemiology of male infertility.

Psychological and social aspects of infertility in men: an overview of the evidence and implications for psychologically informed clinical care and future research

Research concerning the psychosocial aspects of infertility and infertility treatment focuses more often on women than men. The aim of this review was to synthesize the English-language evidence related to the psychological and social aspects of infertility in men and discuss the implications of these reports for clinical care and future research. A structured search identified 73 studies that reported data concerning the desire for fatherhood and the psychological and social aspects of diagnosis, assisted reproductive technology (ART) treatment and unsuccessful treatment among men with fertility difficulties. The studies are diverse in conceptualisation, design, setting and data collection, but the findings were reasonably consistent. These studies indicated that fertile and infertile childless men of reproductive age have desires to experience parenthood that are similar to those of their female counterparts; in addition, diagnosis and initiation of treatment are associated with elevated infertility-specific anxiety, and unsuccessful treatment can lead to a state of lasting sadness. However, rates of clinically significant mental health problems among this patient population are no higher than in the general population. Infertile men who are socially isolated, have an avoidant coping style and appraise stressful events as overwhelming, are more vulnerable to severe anxiety than men without these characteristics. Men prefer oral to written treatment information and prefer to receive emotional support from infertility clinicians rather than from mental health professionals, self-help support groups or friends. Nevertheless, structured, facilitated psycho-educational groups that are didactic but permit informal sharing of experiences might be beneficial. There are gaps in knowledge about factors governing seeking, persisting with and deciding to cease treatment; experiences of invasive procedures; parenting after assisted conception; adoption and infertility-related grief and shame among men. Few resource-constrained countries have any data concerning male experiences of infertility.

Costs of infertility treatment: results from an 18-month prospective cohort study

OBJECTIVE

To examine resource use (costs) by women presenting for infertility evaluation and treatment over 18 months, regardless of treatment pursued.

DESIGN

Prospective cohort study in which women were followed for 18 months.

SETTING

Eight infertility practices.

PATIENT(S)

Three hundred ninety-eight women recruited from infertility practices.

INTERVENTION(S)

Women completed interviews and questionnaires at baseline and after 4, 10, and 18 months of follow-up. Medical records were abstracted after 18 months to obtain details of services used.

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURE(S)

Per-person and per-successful-outcome costs.

RESULT(S)

Treatment groups were defined as highest intensity treatment use. Twenty percent of women did not pursue cycle-based treatment; approximately half pursued IVF. Median per-person costs ranged from $1,182 for medications only to $24,373 and $38,015 for IVF and IVF-donor egg groups, respectively. Estimates of costs of successful outcomes (delivery or ongoing pregnancy by 18 months) were higher--$61,377 for IVF, for example--reflecting treatment success rates. Within the time frame of the study, costs were not significantly different for women whose outcomes were successful and women whose outcomes were not.

CONCLUSION(S)

Although individual patient costs vary, these cost estimates developed from actual patient treatment experiences may provide patients with realistic estimates to consider when initiating infertility treatment.