Determinantes del retraso de la interrupción voluntaria del embarazo

Second trimester induced abortions due to fetal anomalies-a population-based study of diagnoses, examinations and clinical management

INTRODUCTION

Two-thirds of induced abortions after gestational week (gw) 18 are performed due to fetal anomalies. The potential of the fetus to survive outside the uterus after birth is the upper limit for induced abortions in Sweden. Due to advances in neonatal medicine, fetal viability and the upper limit of late induced abortions have been converging over the last few decades. The aim of the study was to examine clinical management of fetal anomalies, including time frames, leading to second trimester abortions.

MATERIAL AND METHODS

All induced abortions due to fetal anomalies after gw 11+6 in Uppsala county, Sweden, from 2010 to 2017, were reviewed from electronic medical records in a retrospective descriptive study. In total, 180 women underwent 185 abortions divided into 107 (57.8%) in an early group (gw 12+0 to 18+0), and 78 (42.2%) in a late group (≥ gw 18+1). Examinations performed were genetic testing, fetal echocardiography, magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and pediatric counseling. Time frames from suspicion of fetal anomaly to abortion were reviewed.

RESULTS

Anomalies were subdivided into groups of diagnosis: chromosomal (n = 104), central nervous system (n = 22), heart (n = 12), urinary tract (n = 10) and others (n = 37). Chromosomal anomaly was present in 82 (76.6%) in the early group and 22 (28.2%) in the late group. In the early group, examinations performed preceding a conclusive diagnosis were mainly QF-PCR for trisomies (n = 97), microarray (n = 13), and genetic counseling (n = 14). In the late group, trisomy test was performed in 68, microarray in 31, MRI in 24, fetal echocardiography in 28, and pediatric or genetic counseling in 43 and six cases, respectively. Mean time interval from suspicion of fetal anomaly to the woman's decision was 5 days before gw 18+1, 7 days in gw 18, and 13 days in gw 21. More than two examinations before reaching the decision to terminate the pregnancy were needed in two abortions (25.0%) in gw 18, increasing to 16 (80.0%) in gw 21.

CONCLUSIONS

Increasing complexity and diversity in fetal diagnoses require time-consuming examinations in late-induced abortions compared with earlier gestational weeks. A structured expedient process is necessary to allow for decision time and minimize terminations approaching the legal limit.

The microeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic consequences for abortion care-seekers

Background

The economic consequences of abortion care and abortion policies for individuals occur directly and indirectly. We lack synthesis of the economic costs, impacts, benefit or value of abortion care at the micro-level (i.e., individuals and households). This scoping review examines the microeconomic costs, benefits and consequences of abortion care and policies.

Methods and findings

Searches were conducted in eight electronic databases and applied inclusion/exclusion criteria using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. For inclusion, studies must have examined at least one of the following outcomes: costs, impacts, benefits, and value of abortion care or abortion policies. Quantitative and qualitative data were extracted for descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Of the 230 included microeconomic studies, costs are the most frequently reported microeconomic outcome (n = 180), followed by impacts (n = 84), benefits (n = 39), and values (n = 26). Individual-level costs of abortion-related care have implications for the timing and type of care sought, globally. In contexts requiring multiple referrals or follow-up visits, these costs are multiplied. The ways in which people pay for abortion-related costs are diverse. The intersection between micro-level costs and delay(s) to abortion-related care is substantial. Individuals forego other costs and expenditures, or are pushed further into debt and/or poverty, in order to fund abortion-related care. The evidence base on the economic impacts of policy or law change is from high-income countries, dominated by studies from the United States.

Conclusions

Delays underpinned by economic factors can thwart care-seeking, affect the type of care sought, and impact the gestational age at which care is sought or reached. The evidence base includes little evidence on the micro-level costs for adolescents. Specific sub-groups of abortion care-seekers (transgendered and/or disabled people) are absent from the evidence and it is likely that they may experience higher direct and indirect costs because they may experience greater barriers to abortion care.

The mesoeconomics of abortion: A scoping review and analysis of the economic effects of abortion on health systems

BACKGROUND

Despite the high incidence of abortion around the globe, we lack synthesis of the known economic consequences of abortion care and abortion policies at the mesoeconomic level (i.e. health systems and communities). This scoping review examines the mesoeconomic costs, benefits, impacts, and values of abortion care and policies.

METHODS AND FINDINGS

Searches were conducted in eight electronic databases. We conducted the searches and application of inclusion/exclusion criteria using the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. For inclusion, studies must have examined at least one of the following outcomes: costs, benefits, impacts, and value of abortion care or abortion policies. Quantitative and qualitative data were extracted for descriptive statistics and thematic analysis. Of the 150 included mesoeconomic studies, costs to health systems are the most frequently reported mesoeconomic outcome (n = 116), followed by impacts (n = 40), benefits (n = 17), and values (n = 11). Within health facilities and health systems, the costs of providing abortion services vary greatly, particularly given the range with which researchers identify and cost services. Financial savings can be realized while maintaining or even improving quality of abortion services. Adapting to changing laws and policies is costly for health facilities. American policies on abortion economically impact health systems and facilities both domestically and abroad. Providing post-abortion care requires a disproportionate amount of health facility resources.

CONCLUSIONS

The evidence base has consolidated around abortion costs to health systems and health facilities in high-income countries more than in low- or middle-income countries. Little is known about the economic impacts of abortion on communities or the mesoeconomics of abortion in the Middle East and North Africa. Methodologically, review papers are the most frequent study type, indicating that researchers rely on evidence from a core set of costing papers. Studies generating new primary data on mesoeconomic outcomes are needed to strengthen the evidence base.

The role of birthplace and educational attainment on induced abortion inequalities

BACKGROUND

Induced abortion (IA) has shown social inequality related to birthplace and education with higher rates of IAs in immigrant and in less educated women relative to their native and highly educated counterparts. This study examined the independent and joint effects of birthplace and education on IA, repeated and IA performed during the 2nd trimester of pregnancy among women residing in the Basque Country, Spain.

METHODS

We conducted a cross-sectional population-based study of IA among women aged 25-49 years residing in the Basque Country, Spain, between 2011 and 2013. Log-binomial regression was used to quantify the independent and joint effects of birthplace and education attainment on all outcomes.

RESULTS

Immigrant women exhibited higher probability of having an IAs (PR: 5.31), a repeated (PR: 7.23) or a 2nd trimester IAs (PR: 4.07) than women born in Spain. We observed higher probabilities for all outcomes among women with a primary or less education relative to those with a graduate education (All IAs PR: 2.51; repeated PR: 6.00; 2nd trimester PR: 3.08). However, no significant heterogeneity was observed for the effect of education on the association of birthplace with IAs, repeated or 2nd trimester IAs.

CONCLUSIONS

Birthplace and education are key factors to explain not only an IA decision but also having a repeated or a 2nd trimester IA. However, the effects of birthplace and education may be independent from each other on these outcomes. A better understanding of these factors on IAs is needed when designing programs for sexual and reproductive health aimed to reduce inequalities among women.

Induced abortion in a Southern European region: examining inequalities between native and immigrant women

OBJECTIVES

To examine induced abortion (IA) inequalities between native and immigrant women in a Southern European region and whether these inequalities depend on a 2010 Law facilitating IA.

METHODS

We conducted two analyses: (1) prevalence of total IAs, repeat and second trimester IA, in native and immigrant women aged 12-49 years for years 2009-2013 according to country of origin; and (2) log-binomial regression was used to quantify the association of place of origin with repeat and second trimester IAs among women with IAs.

RESULTS

Immigrants were more likely to have an IA than Spanish women, with the highest probability in Sub-Saharan Africa (PR 8.32 95 % CI 3.66-18.92). Immigrant women with an IA from countries other than Maghreb and Asia have higher probabilities of a repeat IA than women from Spain. Women from Europe non-EU/Romania were 50 % (95 % CI 0.30-0.79) less likely to have a second trimester IA, while women from Central America/Caribbean were 45 % (95 % CI 1.11-1.89) more likely than Spanish women. The 2010 Law did not affect these associations.

CONCLUSIONS

There is a need for parenthood planning programs and more information and access to contraception methods especially in immigrant women to help decrease IAs.

Do women presenting for first and second-trimester abortion differ socio-demographically?

Background:

To identify the socio-demographic differences between a sample of women who present for first-trimester and second-trimester abortion.

Aim:

To determine whether women presenting late (in the second trimester) for abortion differ socio-demographically from those presenting early (in the first trimester).

Materials and Methods:

Data over 4 years for women presenting for second-trimester abortion were collected from the records of Family Planning Clinic at a public tertiary level teaching hospital in India. Eighty-four cases were analysed. The case presenting for first-trimester abortion after each second-trimester abortion was included for comparison. Information was gathered concerning age, parity, educational background, employment status, educational background of the husband, family expenditure and religion. Data were statistically analysed and significance determined using logistic regression analysis.

Results:

Second-trimester abortions represented 2% (84/4254) of all abortions in the study period. More women of higher age (P = 0.03) and parity (P = 0.02) and higher educational status (P = 0.04) presented for second-trimester abortion as compared to first-trimester abortion. The occupational status of the woman, husband's educational background, monthly family expenditure per person and religion did not significantly influence the time of presentation for abortion.

Conclusion:

Second-trimester abortions are associated with both increasing age and parity and higher education. This group of educated, older and multiparous women should be one of those targeted for counseling to reduce the risks associated with second trimester abortion.