MEG study on neural activities associated with syntactic and semantic violations in spoken Korean sentences

Children with autism spectrum disorder show atypical electroencephalographic response to processing contextual incongruencies

Children with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) experience difficulties with social communication, making it challenging to interpret contextual information that aids in accurately interpreting language. To investigate how the brain processes the contextual information and how this is different in ASD, we compared event-related potentials (ERPs) in response to processing visual and auditory congruent and incongruent information. Two groups of children participated in the study: 37 typically developing children and 15 children with ASD (age range = 6 to 12). We applied a language task involving auditory sentences describing congruent or incongruent images. We investigated two ERP components associated with language processing: the N400 and P600. Our results showed how children with ASD present significant differences in their neural responses in comparison with the TD group, even when their reaction times and correct trials are not significantly different from the TD group.

The functional significance of the P600: Some linguistic P600's do localize to language areas

A recent paper in the journal Neuroreport suggested that, upon source localization, the semantic P600 localizes to executive function areas, that is, outside language. But is this true for all types of linguistic P600? We report a cross-sectional source localization study of a classical (agreement) syntactic paradigm.The results show a clear localization to the temporal lobe, in classical language areas.The P600 is probably not a unitary phenomenon in term of source localization, and the question whether it localizes within or outside the language system depends on the type of P600.

Source Reconstruction of Brain Potentials Using Bayesian Model Averaging to Analyze Face Intra-Domain vs. Face-Occupation Cross-Domain Processing

We investigated the neural correlates of the access to and retrieval of face structure information in contrast to those concerning the access to and retrieval of person-related verbal information, triggered by faces. We experimentally induced stimulus familiarity via a systematic learning procedure including faces with and without associated verbal information. Then, we recorded event-related potentials (ERPs) in both intra-domain (face-feature) and cross-domain (face-occupation) matching tasks while N400-like responses were elicited by incorrect eyes-eyebrows completions and occupations, respectively. A novel Bayesian source reconstruction approach plus conjunction analysis of group effects revealed that in both cases the generated N170s were of similar amplitude but had different neural origin. Thus, whereas the N170 of faces was associated predominantly to right fusiform and occipital regions (the so-called “Fusiform Face Area”, “FFA” and “Occipital Face Area”, “OFA”, respectively), the N170 of occupations was associated to a bilateral very posterior activity, suggestive of basic perceptual processes. Importantly, the right-sided perceptual P200 and the face-related N250 were evoked exclusively in the intra-domain task, with sources in OFA and extensively in the fusiform region, respectively. Regarding later latencies, the intra-domain N400 seemed to be generated in right posterior brain regions encompassing mainly OFA and, to some extent, the FFA, likely reflecting neural operations triggered by structural incongruities. In turn, the cross-domain N400 was related to more anterior left-sided fusiform and temporal inferior sources, paralleling those described previously for the classic verbal N400. These results support the existence of differentiated neural streams for face structure and person-related verbal processing triggered by faces, which can be activated differentially according to specific task demands.

A Neurocomputational Model of the N400 and the P600 in Language Processing

Ten years ago, researchers using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to study language comprehension were puzzled by what looked like a Semantic Illusion: Semantically anomalous, but structurally well-formed sentences did not affect the N400 component-traditionally taken to reflect semantic integration-but instead produced a P600 effect, which is generally linked to syntactic processing. This finding led to a considerable amount of debate, and a number of complex processing models have been proposed as an explanation. What these models have in common is that they postulate two or more separate processing streams, in order to reconcile the Semantic Illusion and other semantically induced P600 effects with the traditional interpretations of the N400 and the P600. Recently, however, these multi-stream models have been called into question, and a simpler single-stream model has been proposed. According to this alternative model, the N400 component reflects the retrieval of word meaning from semantic memory, and the P600 component indexes the integration of this meaning into the unfolding utterance interpretation. In the present paper, we provide support for this "Retrieval-Integration (RI)" account by instantiating it as a neurocomputational model. This neurocomputational model is the first to successfully simulate the N400 and P600 amplitude in language comprehension, and simulations with this model provide a proof of concept of the single-stream RI account of semantically induced patterns of N400 and P600 modulations.

A time and place for language comprehension: mapping the N400 and the P600 to a minimal cortical network

We propose a new functional-anatomical mapping of the N400 and the P600 to a minimal cortical network for language comprehension. Our work is an example of a recent research strategy in cognitive neuroscience, where researchers attempt to align data regarding the nature and time-course of cognitive processing (from ERPs) with data on the cortical organization underlying it (from fMRI). The success of this "alignment" approach critically depends on the functional interpretation of relevant ERP components. Models of language processing that have been proposed thus far do not agree on these interpretations, and present a variety of complicated functional architectures. We put forward a very basic functional-anatomical mapping based on the recently developed Retrieval-Integration account of language comprehension (Brouwer et al., 2012). In this mapping, the left posterior part of the Middle Temporal Gyrus (BA 21) serves as an epicenter (or hub) in a neurocognitive network for the retrieval of word meaning, the ease of which is reflected in N400 amplitude. The left Inferior Frontal Gyrus (BA 44/45/47), in turn, serves a network epicenter for the integration of this retrieved meaning with the word's preceding context, into a mental representation of what is being communicated; these semantic and pragmatic integrative processes are reflected in P600 amplitude. We propose that our mapping describes the core of the language comprehension network, a view that is parsimonious, has broad empirical coverage, and can serve as the starting point for a more focused investigation into the coupling of brain anatomy and electrophysiology.

Multi-channel atomic magnetometer for magnetoencephalography: a configuration study

Atomic magnetometers are emerging as an alternative to SQUID magnetometers for detection of biological magnetic fields. They have been used to measure both the magnetocardiography (MCG) and magnetoencephalography (MEG) signals. One of the virtues of the atomic magnetometers is their ability to operate as a multi-channel detector while using many common elements. Here we study two configurations of such a multi-channel atomic magnetometer optimized for MEG detection. We describe measurements of auditory evoked fields (AEF) from a human brain as well as localization of dipolar phantoms and auditory evoked fields. A clear N100m peak in AEF was observed with a signal-to-noise ratio of higher than 10 after averaging of 250 stimuli. Currently the intrinsic magnetic noise level is 4fTHz(-1/2) at 10Hz. We compare the performance of the two systems in regards to current source localization and discuss future development of atomic MEG systems.

Cortical dynamics of semantic processing during sentence comprehension: evidence from event-related optical signals

Using the event-related optical signal (EROS) technique, this study investigated the dynamics of semantic brain activation during sentence comprehension. Participants read sentences constituent-by-constituent and made a semantic judgment at the end of each sentence. The EROSs were recorded simultaneously with ERPs and time-locked to expected or unexpected sentence-final target words. The unexpected words evoked a larger N400 and a late positivity than the expected ones. Critically, the EROS results revealed activations first in the left posterior middle temporal gyrus (LpMTG) between 128 and 192 ms, then in the left anterior inferior frontal gyrus (LaIFG), the left middle frontal gyrus (LMFG), and the LpMTG in the N400 time window, and finally in the left posterior inferior frontal gyrus (LpIFG) between 832 and 864 ms. Also, expected words elicited greater activation than unexpected words in the left anterior temporal lobe (LATL) between 192 and 256 ms. These results suggest that the early lexical-semantic retrieval reflected by the LpMTG activation is followed by two different semantic integration processes: a relatively rapid and transient integration in the LATL and a relatively slow but enduring integration in the LaIFG/LMFG and the LpMTG. The late activation in the LpIFG, however, may reflect cognitive control.

How the brain responds to any: an MEG study

The word any may appear in some sentences, but not in others. For example, any is permitted in sentences that contain the word nobody, as in Nobody ate any fruit. However, in a minimally different context any seems strikingly anomalous: (*)Everybody ate any fruit. The aim of the present study was to investigate how the brain responds to the word any in such minimally different contexts - where it is permitted (licensed) and where it is not permitted (unlicensed). Brain responses were measured from adult readers using magnetoencephalography (MEG). The results showed significantly larger responses to permissible contexts in the left posterior temporal areas between 400-500 ms and 590-660 ms. These results clarify the anatomy and timing of brain processes that contribute to our judgment that a word such as any is or is not permitted in a given context.

The brain basis of language processing: from structure to function

Language processing is a trait of human species. The knowledge about its neurobiological basis has been increased considerably over the past decades. Different brain regions in the left and right hemisphere have been identified to support particular language functions. Networks involving the temporal cortex and the inferior frontal cortex with a clear left lateralization were shown to support syntactic processes, whereas less lateralized temporo-frontal networks subserve semantic processes. These networks have been substantiated both by functional as well as by structural connectivity data. Electrophysiological measures indicate that within these networks syntactic processes of local structure building precede the assignment of grammatical and semantic relations in a sentence. Suprasegmental prosodic information overtly available in the acoustic language input is processed predominantly in a temporo-frontal network in the right hemisphere associated with a clear electrophysiological marker. Studies with patients suffering from lesions in the corpus callosum reveal that the posterior portion of this structure plays a crucial role in the interaction of syntactic and prosodic information during language processing.

Syntactic unification operations are reflected in oscillatory dynamics during on-line sentence comprehension

There is growing evidence suggesting that synchronization changes in the oscillatory neuronal dynamics in the EEG or MEG reflect the transient coupling and uncoupling of functional networks related to different aspects of language comprehension. In this work, we examine how sentence-level syntactic unification operations are reflected in the oscillatory dynamics of the MEG. Participants read sentences that were either correct, contained a word category violation, or were constituted of random word sequences devoid of syntactic structure. A time-frequency analysis of MEG power changes revealed three types of effects. The first type of effect was related to the detection of a (word category) violation in a syntactically structured sentence, and was found in the alpha and gamma frequency bands. A second type of effect was maximally sensitive to the syntactic manipulations: A linear increase in beta power across the sentence was present for correct sentences, was disrupted upon the occurrence of a word category violation, and was absent in syntactically unstructured random word sequences. We therefore relate this effect to syntactic unification operations. Thirdly, we observed a linear increase in theta power across the sentence for all syntactically structured sentences. The effects are tentatively related to the building of a working memory trace of the linguistic input. In conclusion, the data seem to suggest that syntactic unification is reflected by neuronal synchronization in the lower-beta frequency band.

New Names for Known Things: On the Association of Novel Word Forms with Existing Semantic Information

The plasticity of the adult memory network for integrating novel word forms (lexemes) was investigated with whole-head magnetoencephalography (MEG). We showed that spoken word forms of an (artificial) foreign language are integrated rapidly and successfully into existing lexical and conceptual memory networks. The new lexemes were learned in an untutored way, by pairing them frequently with one particular object (and thus meaning), and infrequently with 10 other objects (learned set). Other novel word forms were encountered just as often, but paired with many different objects (nonlearned set). Their impact on semantic memory was assessed with cross-modal priming, with novel word forms as primes and object pictures as targets. The MEG counterpart of the N400 (N400m) served as an indicator of a semantic (mis)match between words and pictures. Prior to learning, all novel words induced a pronounced N400m mismatch effect to the pictures. This component was strongly reduced after training for the learned novel lexemes only, and now closely resembled the brain's response to semantically related native-language words. This result cannot be explained by mere stimulus repetition or stimulus–stimulus association. Thus, learned novel words rapidly gained access to existing conceptual representations, as effectively as related native-language words. This association of novel lexemes and conceptual information happened fast and almost without effort. Neural networks mediating these integration processes were found within left temporal lobe, an area typically described as one of the main generators of the N400 response.

ERP generator anomalies in presymptomatic carriers of the Alzheimer's disease E280A PS-1 mutation

Although subtle anatomical anomalies long precede the onset of clinical symptoms in Alzheimer's disease, their impact on the reorganization of brain networks underlying cognitive functions has not been fully explored. A unique window into this reorganization is provided by presymptomatic cases of familial Alzheimer's disease (FAD). Here we studied neural circuitry related to semantic processing in presymptomatic FAD cases by estimating the intracranial sources of the N400 event-related potential (ERP). ERPs were obtained during a semantic-matching task from 24 presymptomatic carriers and 25 symptomatic carriers of the E280A presenilin-1 (PS-1) mutation, as well as 27 noncarriers (from the same families). As expected, the symptomatic-carrier group performed worse in the matching task and had lower N400 amplitudes than both asymptomatic groups, which did not differ from each other on these variables. However, N400 topography differed in mutation carrier groups with respect to the noncarriers. Intracranial source analysis evinced that the presymptomatic-carriers presented a decrease of N400 generator strength in right inferior-temporal and medial cingulate areas and increased generator strength in the left hippocampus and parahippocampus compared to the controls. This represents alterations in neural function without translation into behavioral impairments. Compared to controls, the symptomatic-carriers presented a similar anatomical shift in the distribution of N400 generators to that found in presymptomatic-carriers, albeit with a larger reduction in generator strength. The redistribution of N400 generators in presymptomatic-carriers indicates that early focal degeneration associated with the mutation induces neural reorganization, possibly contributing to a functional compensation that enables normal performance in the semantic task.

Non-native phonemes in adult word learning: evidence from the N400m

Newborns are equipped with a large phonemic inventory that becomes tuned to one's native language early in life. We review and add new data about how learning of a non-native phoneme can be accomplished in adults and how the efficiency of word learning can be assessed by neurophysiological measures. For this purpose, we studied the acquisition of the voiceless, bilabial fricative /Phi/ via a statistical-learning paradigm. Phonemes were embedded in minimal pairs of pseudowords, differing only with respect to the fricative (/aPhio/ versus /afo/). During learning, pseudowords were combined with pictures of objects with some combinations of pseudowords and pictures occurring more frequently than others. Behavioural data and the N400m component, as an index of lexical activation/semantic access, showed that participants had learned to associate the pseudowords with the pictures. However, they could not discriminate within the minimal pairs. Importantly, before learning, the novel words with the sound /Phi/ showed smaller N400 amplitudes than those with native phonemes, evidencing their non-word status. Learning abolished this difference indicating that /Phi/ had become integrated into the native category /f/, instead of establishing a novel category. Our data and review demonstrate that native phonemic categories are powerful attractors hampering the mastery of non-native contrasts.

Processing of existing, synonymous, and anomalous German derived adjectives: an MEG study

Neuronal activation as response to reading existing derived German adjectives (e.g., freundlich, friendly) was measured using MEG and compared to that evoked by non-existing, but semantically synonymous adjectives (*freundhaft) and to activation induced by non-existing, semantically and morphologically anomalous adjectives (*freundbar). By applying distributed source modeling we revealed a gradual increase of neuronal activity within areas of the left temporal lobe in the time range of the N400. Activity increased from existing over synonymous to anomalous adjectives. Underscoring the use of neurophysiological measures, these results demonstrate that morpho-semantic analysis take place for non-existing morphologically complex pseudowords even if not warranted by the current task. Furthermore, these data argue in favor of morphological decomposition.

Co-speech gestures influence neural activity in brain regions associated with processing semantic information

Everyday communication is accompanied by visual information from several sources, including co-speech gestures, which provide semantic information listeners use to help disambiguate the speaker's message. Using fMRI, we examined how gestures influence neural activity in brain regions associated with processing semantic information. The BOLD response was recorded while participants listened to stories under three audiovisual conditions and one auditory-only (speech alone) condition. In the first audiovisual condition, the storyteller produced gestures that naturally accompany speech. In the second, the storyteller made semantically unrelated hand movements. In the third, the storyteller kept her hands still. In addition to inferior parietal and posterior superior and middle temporal regions, bilateral posterior superior temporal sulcus and left anterior inferior frontal gyrus responded more strongly to speech when it was further accompanied by gesture, regardless of the semantic relation to speech. However, the right inferior frontal gyrus was sensitive to the semantic import of the hand movements, demonstrating more activity when hand movements were semantically unrelated to the accompanying speech. These findings show that perceiving hand movements during speech modulates the distributed pattern of neural activation involved in both biological motion perception and discourse comprehension, suggesting listeners attempt to find meaning, not only in the words speakers produce, but also in the hand movements that accompany speech.

Time course and functional neuroanatomy of speech segmentation in adults

The present investigation was devoted to unraveling the time-course and brain regions involved in speech segmentation, which is one of the first processes necessary for learning a new language in adults and infants. A specific brain electrical pattern resembling the N400 language component was identified as an indicator of speech segmentation of candidate words. This N400 trace was clearly elicited after a short exposure to the words of the new language and showed a decrease in amplitude with longer exposure. Two brain regions were observed to be active during this process: the posterior superior temporal gyrus and the superior part of the ventral premotor cortex. We interpret these findings as evidence for the existence of an auditory-motor interface that is responsible for isolating possible candidate words when learning a new language in adults.

Neural localization of semantic context effects in electromagnetic and hemodynamic studies

Measures of electrical brain activity (event-related potentials, ERPs) have been useful in understanding language processing for several decades. Extant data suggest that the amplitude of the N400 component of the ERP is a general index of the ease or difficulty of retrieving stored conceptual knowledge associated with a word, which is dependent on both the stored representation itself, and the retrieval cues provided by the preceding context. Recordings from patients with brain damage, intracranial recordings, and magnetoencephalographic data implicate a (probably large portion of) the left temporal lobe as the largest source of the N400 semantic context effect, with a substantial but lesser contribution from the right temporal lobe. Event-related functional magnetic resonance (fMRI) studies using semantic context manipulations are dominated by observations of greater hemodynamic activity for incongruent sentence completions or semantically unrelated words than congruent or related words, consistent with the direction of the ERP effect. The locations of the hemodynamic effects show some variability across studies, but one commonly identified region is the left superior temporal gyrus, which is compatible with the electrophysiological results. A second commonly identified region in the fMRI studies is the left inferior frontal gyrus, which does not appear to make a substantial contribution to the N400 effect.