Eye-tracking the time course of distal and global speech rate effects

Internal Cognitive Load Differentially Influences Acoustic and Lexical Context Effects in Speech Perception: Evidence From a Population With Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder

BACKGROUND

To overcome variability in spoken language, listeners utilize various types of context information for disambiguating speech sounds. Context effects have been shown to be affected by cognitive load. However, previous results are mixed regarding the influence of cognitive load on the use of context information in speech perception.

PURPOSE

We tested a population characterized by an attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD) to better understand the relationship between attention (or internal cognitive load) and context effects.

METHOD

The use of acoustic versus lexical properties of the surrounding signal to disambiguate speech sounds was examined in listeners with ADHD and neurotypical listeners.

RESULTS

Compared to neurotypicals, individuals with ADHD relied more strongly on lexical context for speech perception; however, reliance on acoustic context information from speech rate did not differ.

CONCLUSION

These findings confirm that cognitive load impacts the use of high-level but not low-level context information in speech and imply that speech recognition deficits in ADHD likely arise due to impaired higher order cognitive processes.

Intact Utilization of Contextual Information in Speech Categorization in Autism

Current theories of Autism Spectrum Disorder (ASD) suggest atypical use of context in ASD, but little is known about how these atypicalities influence speech perception. We examined the influence of contextual information (lexical, spectral, and temporal) on phoneme categorization of people with ASD and in typically developed (TD) people. Across three experiments, we found that people with ASD used all types of contextual information for disambiguating speech sounds to the same extent as TD; yet they exhibited a shallower identification curve when phoneme categorization required temporal processing. Overall, the results suggest that the observed atypicalities in speech perception in ASD, including the reduced sensitivity observed here, cannot be attributed merely to the limited ability to utilize context during speech perception.

The Effect of Habitual Speech Rate on Speaker-Specific Processing in English Stop Voicing Perception

This study investigates listeners' ability to track individual speakers' habitual speech rate in a dialogue and adjust their perception of durational contrasts. Previous studies that found such adjustments are inconclusive as adjustments can be attributed to exemplars of target structures in the dialogue rather than perceptual calibration of habitual speech rates. In this study, English listeners were presented with a dialogue between a fast and slow speaker, containing no stressed syllable-initial voiceless stops. Listeners then categorized /pi/-/bi/ syllables differing along a voice onset time continuum. Results did not show conclusive evidence that listeners' response differed systematically depending on speakers' habitual speech rate.

Encoding speech rate in challenging listening conditions: White noise and reverberation

Temporal contrasts in speech are perceived relative to the speech rate of the surrounding context. That is, following a fast context sentence, listeners interpret a given target sound as longer than following a slow context, and vice versa. This rate effect, often referred to as "rate-dependent speech perception," has been suggested to be the result of a robust, low-level perceptual process, typically examined in quiet laboratory settings. However, speech perception often occurs in more challenging listening conditions. Therefore, we asked whether rate-dependent perception would be (partially) compromised by signal degradation relative to a clear listening condition. Specifically, we tested effects of white noise and reverberation, with the latter specifically distorting temporal information. We hypothesized that signal degradation would reduce the precision of encoding the speech rate in the context and thereby reduce the rate effect relative to a clear context. This prediction was borne out for both types of degradation in Experiment 1, where the context sentences but not the subsequent target words were degraded. However, in Experiment 2, which compared rate effects when contexts and targets were coherent in terms of signal quality, no reduction of the rate effect was found. This suggests that, when confronted with coherently degraded signals, listeners adapt to challenging listening situations, eliminating the difference between rate-dependent perception in clear and degraded conditions. Overall, the present study contributes towards understanding the consequences of different types of listening environments on the functioning of low-level perceptual processes that listeners use during speech perception.