Phonological and syntactic competition effects in spoken word recognition: evidence from corpus-based statistics

One Way or Another: Cortical Language Areas Flexibly Adapt Processing Strategies to Perceptual And Contextual Properties of Speech

Cortical circuits rely on the temporal regularities of speech to optimize signal parsing for sound-to-meaning mapping. Bottom-up speech analysis is accelerated by top-down predictions about upcoming words. In everyday communications, however, listeners are regularly presented with challenging input-fluctuations of speech rate or semantic content. In this study, we asked how reducing speech temporal regularity affects its processing-parsing, phonological analysis, and ability to generate context-based predictions. To ensure that spoken sentences were natural and approximated semantic constraints of spontaneous speech we built a neural network to select stimuli from large corpora. We analyzed brain activity recorded with magnetoencephalography during sentence listening using evoked responses, speech-to-brain synchronization and representational similarity analysis. For normal speech theta band (6.5-8 Hz) speech-to-brain synchronization was increased and the left fronto-temporal areas generated stronger contextual predictions. The reverse was true for temporally irregular speech-weaker theta synchronization and reduced top-down effects. Interestingly, delta-band (0.5 Hz) speech tracking was greater when contextual/semantic predictions were lower or if speech was temporally jittered. We conclude that speech temporal regularity is relevant for (theta) syllabic tracking and robust semantic predictions while the joint support of temporal and contextual predictability reduces word and phrase-level cortical tracking (delta).

Shared neural resources of rhythm and syntax: An ALE meta-analysis

A growing body of evidence has highlighted behavioral connections between musical rhythm and linguistic syntax, suggesting that these abilities may be mediated by common neural resources. Here, we performed a quantitative meta-analysis of neuroimaging studies using activation likelihood estimate (ALE) to localize the shared neural structures engaged in a representative set of musical rhythm (rhythm, beat, and meter) and linguistic syntax (merge movement, and reanalysis) operations. Rhythm engaged a bilateral sensorimotor network throughout the brain consisting of the inferior frontal gyri, supplementary motor area, superior temporal gyri/temporoparietal junction, insula, intraparietal lobule, and putamen. By contrast, syntax mostly recruited the left sensorimotor network including the inferior frontal gyrus, posterior superior temporal gyrus, premotor cortex, and supplementary motor area. Intersections between rhythm and syntax maps yielded overlapping regions in the left inferior frontal gyrus, left supplementary motor area, and bilateral insula-neural substrates involved in temporal hierarchy processing and predictive coding. Together, this is the first neuroimaging meta-analysis providing detailed anatomical overlap of sensorimotor regions recruited for musical rhythm and linguistic syntax.

Left Inferior Frontal Gyrus Sensitivity to Phonetic Competition in Receptive Language Processing: A Comparison of Clear and Conversational Speech

The speech signal is rife with variations in phonetic ambiguity. For instance, when talkers speak in a conversational register, they demonstrate less articulatory precision, leading to greater potential for confusability at the phonetic level compared with a clear speech register. Current psycholinguistic models assume that ambiguous speech sounds activate more than one phonological category and that competition at prelexical levels cascades to lexical levels of processing. Imaging studies have shown that the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) is modulated by phonetic competition between simultaneously activated categories, with increases in activation for more ambiguous tokens. Yet, these studies have often used artificially manipulated speech and/or metalinguistic tasks, which arguably may recruit neural regions that are not critical for natural speech recognition. Indeed, a prominent model of speech processing, the dual-stream model, posits that the LIFG is not involved in prelexical processing in receptive language processing. In the current study, we exploited natural variation in phonetic competition in the speech signal to investigate the neural systems sensitive to phonetic competition as listeners engage in a receptive language task. Participants heard nonsense sentences spoken in either a clear or conversational register as neural activity was monitored using fMRI. Conversational sentences contained greater phonetic competition, as estimated by measures of vowel confusability, and these sentences also elicited greater activation in a region in the LIFG. Sentence-level phonetic competition metrics uniquely correlated with LIFG activity as well. This finding is consistent with the hypothesis that the LIFG responds to competition at multiple levels of language processing and that recruitment of this region does not require an explicit phonological judgment.