Verbal positional memory in 7-month-olds

Crossing the Boundary: No Catastrophic Limits on Infants' Capacity to Represent Linguistic Sequences

The boundary effect, namely the infants' failures to compare small and large numerosities, is well documented in studies using visual stimuli. The prevailing explanation is that the numerical system used to process sets up to 3 is incompatible with the system employed for numbers >3. This study investigates the boundary effect in 10-month-old infants presented with linguistic sequences. In Condition 1 (2 vs. 3), infants can differentiate small syllable sequences (2 vs. 3), with better performance for the 2-syllable sequence, which imposes a lower memory load. Condition 2 (2 vs. 4) revealed that infants are capable of discriminating across bounds, with relatively higher performance for the 4-syllable sequence, possibly encoded as one large ensemble. This study offers evidence that, when processing linguistic sounds, infants flexibly deal with small and large numerical representations with no boundaries or incompatibilities between them. Simultaneously encoding units of different magnitudes might aid early speech processing beyond memory limits.

English-learning infants developing sensitivity to vowel phonotactic cues to word segmentation

Previous research has shown that when domain-general transitional probability (TP) cues to word segmentation are in conflict with language-specific stress cues, English-learning 5- and 7-month-olds rely on TP, whereas 9-month-olds rely on stress. In two artificial languages, we evaluated English-learning infants' sensitivity to TP cues to word segmentation vis-a-vis language-specific vowel phonotactic (VP) cues-English words do not end in lax vowels. These cues were either consistent or conflicting. When these cues were in conflict, 10-month-olds relied on the VP cues, whereas 5-month-olds relied on TP. These findings align with statistical bootstrapping accounts, where infants initially use domain-general distributional information for word segmentation, and subsequently discover language-specific patterns based on segmented words. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Research indicates that when transitional probability (TP) conflicts with stress cues for word segmentation, English-learning 9-month-olds rely on stress, whereas younger infants rely on TP. In two artificial languages, we evaluated English-learning infants' sensitivity to TP versus vowel phonotactic (VP) cues for word segmentation. When these cues conflicted, 10-month-olds relied on VPs, whereas 5-month-olds relied on TP. These findings align with statistical bootstrapping accounts, where infants first utilize domain-general distributional information for word segmentation, and then identify language-specific patterns from segmented words.

Developmental changes in retention and generalization of nonadjacent dependencies over a period containing sleep in 18-mo-old infants

Sleep promotes the stabilization of memories in adulthood, with a growing literature on the benefits of sleep for memory in infants and children. In two studies, we examined the role of sleep in the retention and generalization of nonadjacent dependencies (NADs; e.g., a-X-b/c-X-d phrases) in an artificial language. Previously, a study demonstrated that over a delay of 4 h, 15 mo olds who nap after training retain a general memory of the NAD rule instead of memory for specific NADs heard during training. In experiment 1, we designed a replication of the nap condition used in the earlier study but tested 18-mo-old infants. Infants of this age retained veridical memory for specific NADs over a delay containing sleep, providing preliminary evidence of the development of memory processes (experiment 1). In experiment 2, we tested 18 mo olds' ability to generalize the NAD to new vocabulary, finding only infants who napped after training generalized their knowledge of the pattern to completely novel phrases. Overall, by 18 mo of age, children retain specific memories over a period containing sleep, and sleep promotes abstract memories to a greater extent than wakefulness.

Two for the price of one: Concurrent learning of words and phonotactic regularities from continuous speech

To acquire the words of their language, learners face the challenge of tracking regularities at multiple levels of abstraction from continuous speech. In the current study, we examined adults’ ability to track two types of regularities from a continuous artificial speech stream: the individual words in the speech stream (token level information), and a phonotactic pattern shared by a subset of those words (type level information). We additionally manipulated exposure time to the language to examine the relationship between the acquisition of these two regularities. Using a ratings test procedure, we found that adults can extract both the words in the language and their phonotactic patterns from continuous speech in as little as 3.5 minutes of listening time. Results from a 2AFC testing method provide converging evidence that adults rapidly learn both words and their phonotactic patterns. Together, the findings suggest that adults are capable of concurrently tracking regularities at multiple levels of abstraction from brief exposures to a continuous stream of speech.

A distributional perspective on the gavagai problem in early word learning

Word learning entails the mapping of an auditory word-form to its appropriate grammatical category (e.g., noun, verb, adjective), but before that mapping can occur, the naïve learner must infer which of the myriad of possible referents of that word was intended by the speaker. This creates a computational explosion of referential ambiguity referred to as the gavagai problem. In a set of corpus analyses of parent-directed speech to young infants, we describe the distributional information available to early word learners, with a focus on nouns and adjectives that refer to whole objects and object properties. And in two experiments on word-learning in adults spanning seven different distributional conditions, we document how variations in the ratio of novel labels for objects and properties affect the robustness of word learning. Our results suggest that the language input to 6- to 20-month-olds is robustly populated with high-frequency object words and high-frequency property words, but their co-occurrence is sparse. Although this distributional information slightly favors object words over property words, a more plausible account of the whole-object bias in early word learning is the inability to encode the details of an object/event during rapid naming. Our results from adults, presented with novel labels for multi-referent objects in a cross-situational statistical learning paradigm, also reveal this whole-object bias as well as the absence of property-label generalization to novel objects, even when the distribution of labels is shifted almost exclusively to property words. These results are discussed in terms of the relative ease of mapping auditory word-forms to whole objects vs. object properties, thereby limiting the combinatorics of the gavagai problem, especially in infants with immature encoding and memory representation abilities.

Evidence of ordinal position encoding of sequences extracted from continuous speech

Infants' capacity to extract statistical regularities from sequential information is impressive and well documented. However, statistical learning's underlying mechanism remains mostly unknown, and its role in language acquisition is still under debate. To shed light on these issues, here we address the question of which information human subjects extract and encode after familiarisation with a continuous sequence of stimuli and its dependence on the type of segmentation cues and on the stimuli modality. Specifically, we investigate whether adults and 5-month-old infants learn the syllables' co-occurrence in the stream or generate a representation of the Words that include syllables' ordinal position. We test if subtle pauses signalling word boundaries change the encoding and, in adults, if it varies across modalities. In six behavioural experiments, we show that: (i) Adults and infants learn the streams' statistical structure. (ii) Ordinal encoding emerges in the auditory modality, and pauses enhanced it. However, (iii) ordinal encoding seems to depend on the learning stage and not on pauses marking Words' edges. Interestingly, (iv) for visual presentation of orthographic syllables, we do not find evidence of ordinal encoding in adults. Our results support the emergence, in the auditory modality, of a Word representation where its constituents are associated with an ordinal position at play already early in life, bringing new insights into speech processing and language acquisition. Additionally, we successfully use for the first time pupillometry in an infant segmentation task.

Small-range numerical representations of linguistic sounds in 9- to 10-month-old infants

Coordinated studies provide evidence that very young infants, like human adults and nonhuman animals, readily discriminate small and large number of visual displays on the basis of numerical information. This capacity has been considerably less studied in the auditory modality. Surprisingly, the available studies yielded mixed evidence concerning whether numerical representations of auditory items in the small number range (1 to 3) are present early in human development. Specifically, while newborns discriminate 2- from 3-syllable sequences, older infants at 6 and 9 months of age fail to differentiate 2 from 3 tones. This study tested the hypothesis that infants can represent small sets more precisely when listening to ecologically relevant linguistic sounds. The aim was to probe 9- to 10-month-olds' (N = 74) ability to represent sound sets in a working memory test. In experiments 1 and 2, infants successfully discriminated 2- and 3-syllable sequences on the basis of their numerosity, when continuous variables, such as individual item duration, inter-stimulus duration, pitch, intensity, and total duration, were controlled for. In experiment 3, however, infants failed to discriminate 3- from 4-syllable sequences under similar conditions. Finally, in experiment 4, infants were tested on their ability to distinguish 2 and 3 tone sequences. The results showed no evidence that infants discriminated these non-linguistic stimuli. These findings indicate that, by means of linguistic sounds, infants can access a numerical system that yields precise auditory representations in the small number range.

Negative mental representations in infancy

How do infants' thoughts compare to the thoughts adults express with language? In particular, can infants entertain negative representations, such as not red or not here? In four experiments, we used pupillometry to ask whether negative representations are possible without an external language. Eleven-month-olds were tested on their ability to detect and represent the abstract structure of sequences of syllables, defined by the relations identity and/or negation: AAAA (four identical syllables; Experiment 1), AAA¬A (three times the syllable A and one final syllable that is not A; Experiment 2), AA(A)(A)¬A (two-to-four times the syllable A and one final syllable that is not A; Experiment 3). Representing the structures in Experiments 2-3 requires a form of negation. Results suggest that infants are able to compute both identity and negation. More generally, these results lend credit to the hypothesis that the infant mind is equipped with rudimentary logical operators before language takes off.

6-month-olds are sensitive to English morphology

Each language has its unique way to mark grammatical information such as gender, number and tense. For example, English marks number and tense/aspect information with morphological suffixes (e.g., -s or -ed). These morphological suffixes are crucial for language acquisition as they are the basic building blocks of syntax, encode relationships, and convey meaning. Previous research shows that English-learning infants recognize morphological suffixes attached to nonce words by the end of the first year, although even 8-month-olds recognize them when they are attached to known words. These results support an acquisition trajectory where discovery of meaning guides infants' acquisition of morphological suffixes. In this paper, we re-evaluated English-learning infants' knowledge of morphological suffixes in the first year of life. We found that 6-month-olds successfully segmented nonce words suffixed with -s, -ing, -ed and a pseudo-morpheme -sh. Additionally, they related nonce words suffixed with -s, but not -ing, -ed or a pseudo-morpheme -sh and stems. By 8-months, infants were also able to relate nonce words suffixed with -ing and stems. Our results show that infants demonstrate knowledge of morphological relatedness from the earliest stages of acquisition. They do so even in the absence of access to meaning. Based on these results, we argue for a developmental timeline where the acquisition of morphology is, at least, concurrent with the acquisition of phonology and meaning.

Meaning before grammar: A review of ERP experiments on the neurodevelopmental origins of semantic processing

According to traditional linguistic theories, the construction of complex meanings relies firmly on syntactic structure-building operations. Recently, however, new models have been proposed in which semantics is viewed as being partly autonomous from syntax. In this paper, we discuss some of the developmental implications of syntax-based and autonomous models of semantics. We review event-related brain potential (ERP) studies on semantic processing in infants and toddlers, focusing on experiments reporting modulations of N400 amplitudes using visual or auditory stimuli and different temporal structures of trials. Our review suggests that infants can relate or integrate semantic information from temporally overlapping stimuli across modalities by 6 months of age. The ability to relate or integrate semantic information over time, within and across modalities, emerges by 9 months. The capacity to relate or integrate information from spoken words in sequences and sentences appears by 18 months. We also review behavioral and ERP studies showing that grammatical and syntactic processing skills develop only later, between 18 and 32 months. These results provide preliminary evidence for the availability of some semantic processes prior to the full developmental emergence of syntax: non-syntactic meaning-building operations are available to infants, albeit in restricted ways, months before the abstract machinery of grammar is in place. We discuss this hypothesis in light of research on early language acquisition and human brain development.

A Simple, Biologically Plausible Feature Detector for Language Acquisition

Language has a complex grammatical system we still have to understand computationally and biologically. However, some evolutionarily ancient mechanisms have been repurposed for grammar so that we can use insight from other taxa into possible circuit-level mechanisms of grammar. Drawing upon recent evidence for the importance of disinhibitory circuits across taxa and brain regions, I suggest a simple circuit that explains the acquisition of core grammatical rules used in 85% of the world's languages: grammatical rules based on sameness/difference relations. This circuit acts as a sameness detector. “Different” items are suppressed through inhibition, but presenting two “identical” items leads to inhibition of inhibition. The items are thus propagated for further processing. This sameness detector thus acts as a feature detector for a grammatical rule. I suggest that having a set of feature detectors for elementary grammatical rules might make language acquisition feasible based on relatively simple computational mechanisms.

The roles of item repetition and position in infants' abstract rule learning

We asked whether 11- and 14- month-old infants' abstract rule learning, an early form of analogical reasoning, is susceptible to processing constraints imposed by limits in attention and memory for sequence position. We examined 11- and 14- month-old infants' learning and generalization of abstract repetition rules ("repetition anywhere," Experiment 1 or "medial repetition," Experiment 2) and ordering of specific items (edge positions, Experiment 3) in 4-item sequences. Infants were habituated to sequences containing repetition- and/or position-based structure and then tested with "familiar" vs. "novel" (random) sequences composed of new items. Eleven-month-olds (N = 40) failed to learn abstract repetition rules, but 14-month-olds (N = 40) learned rules under both conditions. In Experiment 3, 11-month-olds (N = 20) learned item edge positions in sequences identical to those in Experiment 2. We conclude that infant sequence learning is constrained by item position in similar ways as in adults.

Why do children pay more attention to grammatical morphemes at the ends of sentences?

Children pay more attention to the beginnings and ends of sentences rather than the middle. In natural speech, ends of sentences are prosodically and segmentally enhanced; they are also privileged by sensory and recall advantages. We contrasted whether acoustic enhancement or sensory and recall-related advantages are necessary and sufficient for the salience of grammatical morphemes at the ends of sentences. We measured 22-month-olds' listening times to grammatical and ungrammatical sentences with third person singular -s. Crucially, by cross-splicing the speech stimuli, acoustic enhancement and sensory and recall advantages were fully crossed. Only children presented with the verb in sentence-final position, a position with sensory and recall advantages, distinguished between the grammatical and ungrammatical sentences. Thus, sensory and recall advantages alone were necessary and sufficient to make grammatical morphemes at ends of sentences salient. These general processing constraints privilege ends of sentences over middles, regardless of the acoustic enhancement.

Sample size, statistical power, and false conclusions in infant looking-time research

Infant research is hard. It is difficult, expensive, and time consuming to identify, recruit and test infants. As a result, ours is a field of small sample sizes. Many studies using infant looking time as a measure have samples of 8 to 12 infants per cell, and studies with more than 24 infants per cell are uncommon. This paper examines the effect of such sample sizes on statistical power and the conclusions drawn from infant looking time research. An examination of the state of the current literature suggests that most published looking time studies have low power, which leads in the long run to an increase in both false positive and false negative results. Three data sets with large samples (>30 infants) were used to simulate experiments with smaller sample sizes; 1000 random subsamples of 8, 12, 16, 20, and 24 infants from the overall samples were selected, making it possible to examine the systematic effect of sample size on the results. This approach revealed that despite clear results with the original large samples, the results with smaller subsamples were highly variable, yielding both false positive and false negative outcomes. Finally, a number of emerging possible solutions are discussed.

Learning word order at birth: A NIRS study

In language, the relative order of words in sentences carries important grammatical functions. However, the developmental origins and the neural correlates of the ability to track word order are to date poorly understood. The current study therefore investigates the origins of infants’ ability to learn about the sequential order of words, using near-infrared spectroscopy (NIRS) with newborn infants. We have conducted two experiments: one in which a word order change was implemented in 4-word sequences recorded with a list intonation (as if each word was a separate item in a list; list prosody condition, Experiment 1) and one in which the same 4-word sequences were recorded with a well-formed utterance-level prosodic contour (utterance prosody condition, Experiment 2). We found that newborns could detect the violation of the word order in the list prosody condition, but not in the utterance prosody condition. These results suggest that while newborns are already sensitive to word order in linguistic sequences, prosody appears to be a stronger cue than word order for the identification of linguistic units at birth.