An Analysis of the Time Course of Lexical Processing During Reading

An oscillatory pipelining mechanism supporting previewing during visual exploration and reading

Humans have a remarkable ability to efficiently explore visual scenes and text using eye movements. Humans typically make eye movements (saccades) every ~250 ms. Since saccade initiation and execution take 100 ms, this leaves only ~150 ms to recognize the fixated object (or word) while simultaneously previewing candidates for the next saccade goal. We propose a pipelining mechanism where serial processing occurs within a specific brain region, whereas parallel processing occurs across different brain regions. The mechanism is timed by alpha oscillations that coordinate the saccades, visual recognition, and previewing in the cortical hierarchy. Consequently, the neuronal mechanism supporting natural vision and saccades must be studied in unison to uncover the brain mechanisms supporting visual exploration and reading.

Neural evidence for lexical parafoveal processing

In spite of the reduced visual acuity, parafoveal information plays an important role in natural reading. However, competing models on reading disagree on whether words are previewed parafoveally at the lexical level. We find neural evidence for lexical parafoveal processing by combining a rapid invisible frequency tagging (RIFT) approach with magnetoencephalography (MEG) and eye-tracking. In a silent reading task, target words are tagged (flickered) subliminally at 60 Hz. The tagging responses measured when fixating on the pre-target word reflect parafoveal processing of the target word. We observe stronger tagging responses during pre-target fixations when followed by low compared with high lexical frequency targets. Moreover, this lexical parafoveal processing is associated with individual reading speed. Our findings suggest that reading unfolds in the fovea and parafovea simultaneously to support fluent reading.

Parafoveal degradation during reading reduces preview costs only when it is not perceptually distinct

There is a growing understanding that the parafoveal preview effect during reading may represent a combination of preview benefits and preview costs due to interference from parafoveal masks. It has been suggested that visually degrading the parafoveal masks may reduce their costs, but adult readers were later shown to be highly sensitive to degraded display changes. Four experiments examined how preview benefits and preview costs are influenced by the perception of distinct parafoveal degradation at the target word location. Participants read sentences with four preview types (identity, orthographic, phonological, and letter-mask preview) and two levels of visual degradation (0% vs. 20%). The distinctiveness of the target word degradation was either eliminated by degrading all words in the sentence (Experiments 1a–2a) or remained present, as in previous research (Experiments 1b–2b). Degrading the letter masks resulted in a reduction in preview costs, but only when all words in the sentence were degraded. When degradation at the target word location was perceptually distinct, it induced costs of its own, even for orthographically and phonologically related previews. These results confirm previous reports that traditional parafoveal masks introduce preview costs that overestimate the size of the true benefit. However, they also show that parafoveal degradation has the unintended consequence of introducing additional costs when participants are aware of distinct degradation on the target word. Parafoveal degradation appears to be easily perceived and may temporarily orient attention away from the reading task, thus delaying word processing.

Effects of aging, word frequency, and text stimulus quality on reading across the adult lifespan: Evidence from eye movements

Reductions in stimulus quality may disrupt the reading performance of older adults more when compared with young adults because of sensory declines that begin early in middle age. However, few studies have investigated adult age differences in the effects of stimulus quality on reading, and none have examined how this affects lexical processing and eye movement control. Accordingly, we report two experiments that examine the effects of reduced stimulus quality on the eye movements of young (18–24 years), middle-aged (41–51 years), and older (65+ years) adult readers. In Experiment 1, participants read sentences that contained a high- or low-frequency critical word and that were presented normally or with contrast reduced so that words appeared faint. Experiment 2 further investigated effects of reduced stimulus quality using a gaze-contingent technique to present upcoming text normally or with contrast reduced. Typical patterns of age-related reading difficulty (e.g., slower reading, more regressions) were observed in both experiments. In addition, eye movements were disrupted more for older than younger adults when all text (Experiment 1) or just upcoming text (Experiment 2) appeared faint. Moreover, there was an interaction between stimulus quality and word frequency (Experiment 1), such that readers fixated faint low-frequency words for disproportionately longer. Crucially, this effect was similar across all age groups. Thus, although older readers suffer more from reduced stimulus quality, this additional difficulty primarily affects their visual processing of text. These findings have important implications for understanding the role of stimulus quality on reading behavior across the lifespan.

Where is the locus of the lowercase advantage during sentence reading?

While most models of visual word identification and reading posit that a word's visual codes are rapidly transformed onto case-invariant representations (i.e., table and TABLE would equally activate the word unit corresponding to "table"), a number of experiments have shown a lowercase advantage in various word identification and reading tasks. In the present experiment, we examined the locus of this lowercase advantage by comparing the pattern of eye movements when reading sentences in lowercase vs. uppercase. Each sentence contained a target word that was high or low in word-frequency. Overall, results showed faster reading times for lowercase than for uppercase sentences. More important, while the word-frequency effect was sizeable in the first-fixation durations on the target word, the lowercase advantage only arose in the gaze durations (i.e., the sum of durations of first-pass fixations on the target word, including refixations). Furthermore, we found an effect of word-frequency, but not of letter case, in the first-fixation duration on target words with multiple first-pass fixations. Taken together, these findings suggest that the lowercase advantage reflects operations that do not occur in the initial contact with the lexical entries.

On using distributional analysis techniques for determining the onset of the influence of experimental variables

Much of the investigation of eye-movement control in visual cognition has focused on the influence of experimental variables on mean fixation durations. In the present paper we explored the convergence between two distributional analysis techniques that were recently introduced in this domain. First, Staub, White, Drieghe, Hollway and Rayner, (2010) proposed fitting the ex-Gaussian distribution to individual participants' data in order to ascertain whether a variable has a rapid or a slow influence on fixation durations. Second, the Divergence Point Analysis (DPA) procedure was introduced by Reingold, Reichle, Glaholt and Sheridan (2012, Reingold & Sheridan, 2014) in order to determine more precisely the earliest discernible impact of a variable on the distribution of fixation durations by contrasting survival curves across two experimental conditions and determining the point at which the two curves begin to diverge. In the present paper we introduced a new version of the DPA procedure which is based on ex-Gaussian fitting. We evaluated this procedure by re-analysing data obtained in previous empirical investigations as well as by conducting a simulation study. We demonstrated that the new ex-Gaussian DPA technique produced estimates that were consistent with estimates produced by prior versions of DPA procedure, and in the present simulation, the ex-Gaussian DPA procedure produced somewhat more accurate individual participant divergence point estimates. Based on the present findings we also suggest guidelines for best practices in the use of DPA techniques.

Reversed preview benefit effects: Forced fixations emphasize the importance of parafoveal vision for efficient reading

Current theories of eye movement control in reading posit that processing of an upcoming parafoveal preview word is used to facilitate processing of that word once it is fixated (i.e., as a foveal target word). This preview benefit is demonstrated by shorter fixation durations in the case of valid (i.e., identical or linguistically similar) compared with invalid (i.e., dissimilar) preview conditions. However, we suggest that processing of the preview can directly influence fixation behavior on the target, independent of similarity between them. In Experiment 1, unrelated high and low frequency words were used as orthogonally crossed previews and targets and we observed a reversed preview benefit for low frequency targets-shorter fixation durations with an invalid, higher frequency preview compared with a valid, low frequency preview. In Experiment 2, the target words were replaced with orthographically legal and illegal nonwords and we found a similar effect of preview frequency on fixation durations on the targets, as well as a bimodal distribution in the illegal nonword target conditions with a denser early peak for high than low frequency previews. In Experiment 3, nonwords were used as previews for high and low frequency targets, replicating standard findings that "denied" preview increases fixation durations and the influence of target properties. These effects can be explained by forced fixations, cases in which fixations on the target were shortened as a consequence of the timing of word recognition of the preview relative to the time course of saccade programming to that word from the prior one. That is, the preview word was (at least partially) recognized so that it should have been skipped, but the word could not be skipped because the saccade to that word was in a nonlabile stage. In these cases, the system preinitiates the subsequent saccade off the upcoming word to the following word and the intervening fixation is short. (PsycINFO Database Record