What is a Feminist?

How Do Men Evaluate and Blame Victims of Mobbing? Depending on the Victims' Identification as Feminist or Egalitarian

In the current research, our objective was to explore how men assess and assign blame to both a man and a woman who are victims of workplace mobbing, depending on whether they identify as feminist or egalitarian. It is well recognized that the label "feminist" carries distinct connotations when applied to individuals of different genders. However, it remains unclear whether these varied connotations are due to the label itself or its underlying meaning. Given that the feminist label has been traditionally stigmatized, we aimed to disentangle the influence of the label from its semantic content. To achieve this, we compared the evaluations and attributions of victim blame directed toward targets labeled as feminist with those labeled with a similar but more neutral term-that is, egalitarian-as well as with unlabeled targets. Considering that much of the previous research in this area has focused on samples predominantly composed of women, we aimed to investigate how men respond to these labels. Through three experiments involving male participants (N = 628), we presented fictitious scenarios depicting a man or a woman who were victims of workplace mobbing due to their identification as feminist or egalitarian. The key finding of our research is that the feminist label, rather than its semantic content, significantly influences the evaluations and assignment of blame expressed by men who strongly adhere to traditional male role norms. These findings underscore the importance of these labels (feminist and egalitarian) in social judgments, particularly when applied to victims of workplace mobbing.

Cosmopolitanism and social dominance orientation mediate relationship between political orientation and sexism

Over the past decade, 'anti-gender discourse' has been institutionalised by the governing right-wing party in Hungary to a wide effect, from the removal of accreditation from a gender studies MA program to the Parliament's refusal to ratify the Istanbul Convention. The anti-egalitarian backlash echoes those emergent in other countries where right-wing populism has gained ground - such as Poland, Turkey, India, the United States, and Brazil. The present study examined the role of two opposite orientations, cosmopolitanism as an egalitarian worldview and social dominance orientation as the preference for hierarchies and inequality among groups and people in general, in mediating the relationship between political orientation and sexism among a representative Hungarian sample (N = 1000). The path analysis revealed that left-wing political orientation was associated with higher levels of cosmopolitan orientation, while right-wing political orientation was associated with higher levels of SDO. Higher levels of cosmopolitan orientation were associated with a more positive attitude toward feminists and lower levels of modern sexism and gender-based zero-sum thinking, while higher levels of SDO were associated with the opposite. Furthermore, cosmopolitan orientation mediated the relationship between political orientation and modern sexism and attitudes toward feminists, while SDO mediated the relationship between political orientation and modern sexism and gender-based zero-sum thinking. Our study emphasizes the important role of cosmopolitan orientation in opposing SDO and promoting a more egalitarian worldview.

What Motivates Action for Gender Equality among Emerging Adult Women? The Importance of Critical Reflection, Efficacy, and Feminist Identity

The present study investigated whether critical consciousness (CC) and feminist identity help explain emerging adult women's participation in actions to reduce gender inequality. CC is an applied tool marginalized and oppressed youth can use to combat inequality. It is conceptualized as three components: Critical reflection, critical efficacy, and critical action. Youth who have reflected on inequality are theorized to act against injustice if they have critical efficacy. However, empirical support for connections among components is mixed and questions remain concerning the contexts in which and people for whom CC serves as a resource. For instance, CC has rarely been examined as a tool to reduce sexism. Furthermore, researchers theorize that social identity is related to CC, yet little empirical evidence exists testing these associations. Finally, CC is typically examined within samples of children and adolescents, although advances in cognitive development and identity suggest emerging adulthood is an ideal time to use CC. To begin to fill these gaps, we investigated whether the components of CC in association with feminist identity could predict when emerging adult women act against sexism. A serial mediation model revealed reflection may lead to action for women who identify as feminist and who report greater internal efficacy. The pathway through external efficacy was not significant. Findings suggest CC together with feminist identity may be tools women can employ to transform unjust social conditions and improve their lives. Applied applications of findings are considered.

What about being a feminist is protective? An examination of constructs related to feminist beliefs as moderators of the relationship between media awareness and thin-ideal internalization

Feminist beliefs have been identified as a potential protective factor in the relationship between media awareness and thin-ideal internalization; however, the precise reason why feminist beliefs serve this role is unclear. A series of three studies examined the reasons why feminist beliefs may be protective in non-student samples, considering as possible explanations open-minded thinking, critical thinking, and media attitudes and literacy. Study 1 showed that the moderating role of feminist beliefs on the relationship between media awareness and thin-ideal internalization held in a non-undergraduate sample. Study 2 found that feminist beliefs and self-identifying as a feminist were related to open-minded thinking, critical thinking, and media attitudes and literacy. Study 3 found that most of these constructs did not serve the same moderating role as feminist beliefs. However, a complex relationship emerged when both feminist self-identification and media attitudes and literacy were considered simultaneously as moderators, adding to the literature emphasizing that self-identifying as a feminist has a protective role over and above that of merely holding feminist beliefs. These results suggest that feminist beliefs may be a unique combination of these constructs or that there may be yet a different reason why feminist beliefs are protective against thin-ideal internalization.

The impact of feminist stereotypes and sexual identity on feminist self-identification and collective action

The present study sought to examine the role of sexual identity and exposure to stereotypes of feminism on women's self-identification as a feminist, endorsement of feminist attitudes, and intention to engage in collective action. Participants (N = 312; all women) disclosed their sexual identity as either heterosexual or non-heterosexual (sexual minority) and were randomly assigned to one of three conditions: exposure to positive stereotypes of feminists, to negative stereotypes of feminists, control condition (no exposure to stereotypes). Results showed stark differences between heterosexual and sexual minority women, with sexual minority women scoring significantly higher on self-identification as feminist, feminist attitudes, and collective action intentions. Exposure to positive stereotypes of feminists increased feminist self-identification regardless of sexual identity. Exposure to negative stereotypes reduced self-identification with feminism, and lower identification mediated the path between negative stereotyping and collective action. Implications of these findings for the advancement of women's rights movements are discussed.

A field study around a racial justice protest on a college campus: The proximal impact of collective action on the social change attitudes of uninvolved bystanders

Social movements often use protests and other collective actions to draw public attention to their cause, yet the psychological reactions to such actions from their targeted audience is not well understood. This research investigates uninvolved bystanders’ immediate responses to collective action using a quasi-experimental field study designed around a racial justice protest that took place at a large public university in the United States. We surveyed two student samples exactly one week apart at the same time and location, first in the absence of protest and then again at the time of a racial justice protest (Total N = 240). We found that participants who believed that racism was not a problem on campus had more negative attitudes toward racial justice protests and protesters, as well as lower support for anti-racist efforts on campus on the day of the protest, compared to the day without a protest. These findings provide initial evidence that a protest encounter may trigger a backlash effect amongst those who have the most resistant attitudes toward social change.

Addressing Sexism With Children: Young Adults' Beliefs About Bias Socialization

College students' beliefs concerning socializing children about sexism and other culturally important topics were investigated using mixed methods. In Study 1, participants (N = 71) defined sexism and explained their beliefs about addressing sexism with children. Thirty-five percent argued against childhood sexism-socialization. Emergent themes provided insights about how sexism is viewed and yielded data needed to design a closed-ended socialization-beliefs survey. In Study 2, students (N = 141) completed this survey and reported their feminist beliefs and childhood-socialization experiences. Childhood sexism-socialization was more commonly endorsed by women, stronger feminists, and those who had themselves experienced childhood sexism-socialization. Descriptive data document socialization beliefs about 21 culturally important topics. Results suggest that programs aimed at socializing children about sexism should also address beliefs of the adults responsible for program implementation.

Effects of Stereotypes About Feminists on Feminist Self-Identification

This study examined whether negative stereotypes about feminists serve as a barrier to self-identifying as a feminist. College women were exposed to positive stereotypes about feminists, negative stereotypes about feminists, or were not exposed to stereotypes about feminists (control condition) in a between-participants design. Women who read a paragraph containing positive stereotypes about feminists were twice as likely to self-identify as feminists as women in the control condition or the condition in which they read a paragraph containing negative stereotypes about feminists. Women exposed to positive feminist stereotypes had greater nontraditional gender-role attitudes and performance self-esteem compared to the no-stereotype-control condition.

The Relations Among Feminist Identity Development, Gender-Role Orientation, and Psychological Well-Being in Women

This study examined relations between feminist identity development, gender-role orientation, and psychological well-being in 244 women of varying ages and backgrounds. As hypothesized, both feminist identity development and gender-role orientation contributed independently to the explanation of variance in psychological well-being. Instrumentality, expressiveness, and a more developed feminist identity were all related positively to psychological well-being. In addition, instrumentality and a more developed feminist identity were correlated positively. Implications of these findings as well as limitations and future directions are discussed.

Disavowing Social Identities: What it Means When Women Say, “I'm not a Feminist, But …”

Many women, even as they embrace feminist principles, are loath to be labeled feminists. This study presents a measure of feminist identity that accounts for beliefs and behaviors of self-identified feminists and nonfeminists, and for a third group, egalitarians, who endorse liberal feminist beliefs but reject the feminist label. In a sample of 272 college-educated women, a MANOVA showed egalitarians had levels of feminist consciousness between nonfeminists and feminists. Egalitarians did not differ from nonfeminists on favorable conditions for feminist identity or on feminist activism, but both groups scored lower on these measures than feminists. In a hierarchical multiple regression, feminist identity was a significant predictor of feminist activism, above and beyond favorable conditions and barriers. The importance of self-labeling for invisible and stigmatized social identities is discussed.

The New Meaning of Ms.: Single, But too Old for Miss

We examined understanding of the title Ms., in college students and individuals surveyed via the Internet. Participants were asked to define Ms. and other titles, and rate the likely marital status and age of those using the titles. While some participants indicated that Ms. was a title for women of any marital status, a common alternative definition of Ms. was a title for unmarried women. Younger participants (those under 20) were significantly more likely to use this definition. We also asked what title women preferred for themselves. Older unmarried women were more likely to prefer Ms. as their own title than were younger unmarried women, while married women overwhelmingly preferred the use of Mrs. Perhaps this is why many younger people assume that Ms. is a title for unmarried women too old to use Miss.

Do You See What I See? Effects of Group Consciousness on African American Women's Attributions to Prejudice

This study examined the effects of three types of group consciousness among African American women ( ethnic, feminist, and womanist) on prejudice attributions and appraised personal significance ( centrality) of a negative intergroup event. African American female college students ( N = 123) imagined themselves in an audiotaped scenario in which they overheard two European American male classmates make negative evaluations of them. The scenario provided no cause for the negative evaluations and no references to race or gender. Multiple regression analyses revealed that higher ethnic and womanist consciousness were related to increased prejudice attributions and greater centrality appraisals ( p < .05), while feminism had no effect. Results suggest that womanist consciousness may be more relevant than traditional feminist consciousness in predicting African American women's perceptions of prejudice.

“Feminism Lite?” Feminist Identification, Speaker Appearance, and Perceptions of Feminist and Antifeminist Messengers

Drawing on a communications model of persuasion ( Hovland, Janis, & Kelley, 1953 ), this study examined the effect of target appearance on feminists' and nonfeminists' perceptions of a speaker delivering a feminist or an antifeminist message. One hundred three college women watched one of four videotaped speeches that varied by content (profeminist vs. antifeminist) and target appearance (“feminine” vs. “masculine”). Self-identified feminists responded more favorably to a profeminist message when it was presented by a feminine than a masculine-appearing speaker and expressed less feminist attitudes after viewing a masculine-appearing feminist speaker. Nonfeminists' evaluations did not vary as a function of speaker appearance or message content. Implications for the communication of feminist ideology are discussed.

Smoking in College Women: The Role of Thinness Pressures, Media Exposure, and Critical Consciousness

There are strong social pressures for U.S. females, particularly those of European heritage, to achieve and maintain an extremely low body weight. These pressures are reflected in a variety of media sources, including advertising. We argue that valuing thinness, exposure to thinness-depicting media, and lacking skepticism about tobacco advertisements have adverse effects on young women's decisions about smoking, particularly smoking for weight control. We tested these hypotheses in a study of 188 female undergraduates, both never-smokers and daily smokers. Believing that smoking controls weight, exposure to thinness-depicting media, and low levels of skepticism about tobacco advertising were associated with being a smoker. Among smokers, believing that smoking controls weight, internalizing thinness pressures, and low levels of feminist consciousness were associated with smoking for weight control. Results are discussed with the aim of encouraging public health anti-smoking campaigns targeted at women, and smoking cessation programs that are responsive to the needs of weight-concerned female smokers.

Attitudes Toward Women’s Work and Family Roles in the United States, 1976–2013

We examine time period and generational differences in attitudes toward women’s work and family roles in two large, nationally representative U.S. samples, the Monitoring the Future survey of 12th graders (1976–2013) and the General Social Survey of adults (1977–2012). Twelfth graders became more accepting of working mothers and equal roles for women in the workplace between the 1970s and the 2010s, with most change occurring between the 1970s and the late 1990s. Acceptance of dual-income families and fathers working half-time or not at all (stay-at-home dads) also increased. Thus, for the most part, Millennials (born 1980s–1990s) have continued trends toward more egalitarian gender roles. However, slightly more 12th graders in the 2010s (vs. the late 1990s) favored the husband as the achiever and decision maker in the family. Adults’ attitudes toward working mothers became more egalitarian between the 1970s and the early 1990s, showed a small “backlash” in the late 1990s, and then continued the trend toward increased egalitarianism in the 2000s and 2010s. In hierarchical linear modeling analyses separating the effects of time period, generation/cohort, and age, trends were primarily due to time period with a generational peak in egalitarianism among White women Boomers (born 1946–1964). Policy makers should recognize that support for working mothers is now a solid majority position in the United States and design programs for working families accordingly.

The impact of course title and instructor gender on student perceptions and interest in a women's and gender studies course

Diversity awareness has enormous benefits, and universities in the United States increasingly require students to complete diversity-related courses. Prior research has demonstrated that students' initial attitudes toward these courses affect their subsequent engagement, as well as the quality of their learning experience; however, very little research has examined how these initial attitudes are formed. We conducted an experiment to examine this issue in the context of a women's and gender studies course in psychology. Participants read one of two identical course descriptions that varied only the course title (i.e., Psychology of Gender versus Psychology of Women) and instructor gender. Participants perceived a women-titled course to be narrowly focused compared to an identical gender-titled course and were more interested in taking the gender-titled course. Instructor gender had no effects on any of the variables. Additionally, female participants had more positive attitudes toward the course than male participants, regardless of title. Exploratory mediation analyses indicated that the main effects of course title and participant gender were mediated by perceptions of course content. Implications for improving student experiences and interest in diversity-related courses are discussed.

Threats to Feminist Identity and Reactions to Gender Discrimination

The aim of this research was to examine conditions that modify feminists' support for women as targets of gender discrimination. In an experimental study we tested a hypothesis that threatened feminist identity will lead to greater differentiation between feminists and conservative women as victims of discrimination and, in turn, a decrease in support for non-feminist victims. The study was conducted among 96 young Polish female professionals and graduate students from Gender Studies programs in Warsaw who self-identified as feminists (M_age  = 22.23). Participants were presented with a case of workplace gender discrimination. Threat to feminist identity and worldview of the discrimination victim (feminist vs. conservative) were varied between research conditions. Results indicate that identity threat caused feminists to show conditional reactions to discrimination. Under identity threat, feminists perceived the situation as less discriminatory when the target held conservative views on gender relations than when the target was presented as feminist. This effect was not observed under conditions of no threat. Moreover, feminists showed an increase in compassion for the victim when she was portrayed as a feminist compared to when she was portrayed as conservative. Implications for the feminist movement are discussed.

Reactions to gender egalitarian men: Perceived feminization due to stigma-by-association

Gender egalitarian men are vital for women’s progress, yet attitudes toward and beliefs about them are underinvestigated. In three experiments, women liked gender egalitarian men more so than men did, but both genders stigmatized them as more feminine, weak, and likely to be gay, compared with control male targets. This was true even when the gender egalitarian was an actual presidential candidate for the American Psychological Association (Experiment 3). We examined whether stigmatization was due to (a) gender egalitarians’ presumed affiliations with women and/or gay men (stigma-by-association); (b) the gay male feminist stereotype; or (c) a threat to men’s gender identity. Results supported stigma-by-association, but only for affiliations with women (not gay men). The gay male feminist stereotype was robust, but did not account for stigmatization, and men’s reactions to male gender egalitarians were independent of their gender identity. Implications of these findings for gender equality are discussed.

Positive Portrayals of Feminist Men Increase Men’s Solidarity With Feminists and Collective Action Intentions

The present study examined whether positive portrayals of feminist men could increase men’s sense of solidarity with feminists and, through it, their intentions to engage in collective action in support of women. A sample of 102 mostly White men between the ages of 18 and 63 was recruited from Mechanical Turk, an online crowdsourcing marketplace. They were exposed to a short article either portraying feminist men in a positive light, a negative light, or describing the history of feminism without mentioning men. Men who read the positive portrayal article expressed more solidarity with feminists and greater intentions to engage in collective action in support of women than men who read either the history of feminism article or the negative portrayal article. Feminist solidarity fully mediated the relationship between positive portrayals of feminist men and collective action intentions. Consistent with research among women, the findings demonstrate that feeling connected to feminists is an important antecedent of men’s collective action in support of women. They also suggest a novel approach for involving men in collective action in support of women: building a positive image of feminist men. The implications of the findings for the men’s role in the feminist movement are discussed.

Disarming the Threat to Feminist Identification

Many individuals endorse feminist values but do not identify as feminist. The present set of studies tests the concept of threat, grounded in G. A. Kelly’s personal construct theory of personality, as a potential factor in feminist nonidentification. Study 1 introduces the theoretically grounded Feminist Threat Index and evaluates its psychometric properties with data from 91 undergraduate students. In this study, feminist threat scores yielded acceptable evidence of convergent and discriminant validity and of test–retest reliability. Study 2 evaluates a theoretically grounded intervention designed to reduce level of feminist threat and increase degree of feminist identification by enabling students to interact with a diverse panel of feminists. In this study, a mixed between–within subjects design was employed to compare pre- and postintervention change in continuous threat and feminist identification scores across intervention ( n = 52) and comparison ( n = 63) groups. As expected, the intervention reduced level of threat and increased degree of feminist identification significantly in the intervention group, whereas these scores remained unchanged in the comparison group. These studies offer researchers, educators, and activists a promising approach for assessing and reducing the threat to feminist identification.

Balancing Multicultural Competence With Social Justice

To identify a multivariate configuration of feminist beliefs best associated with optimal psychological functioning, 215 mostly White college women completed an online survey measuring their feminist beliefs (Feminist Perspectives Scale, Attitudes toward Feminism and the Women’s Movement, sense of common fate, and Feminist Identity Composite) and 13 measures of well-being with liberation, encompassing individual (e.g., well-being), interpersonal (e.g., egalitarianism), and societal (e.g., collective esteem) levels of analysis. A canonical correlation analysis revealed a significant multivariate association and yielded three distinct functions: established feminism (the strongest, most positive predictor) and its opposite (antifeminism), awakening feminism (negatively linked to individual well-being), and nonfeminist but woman-identified traditionalism (with some compromised well-being). The configuration of feminist beliefs that a woman holds, does not hold, and rejects makes a difference for her psychological functioning as well as for the roles counseling psychologists adopt to achieve multicultural competence along with social justice.

Can men promote feminist movements?

This research investigates the possibility for men to promote feminist movements. In two experiments, we used the social influence technique of reassociation, known to reduce the rejection of feminists by blaming the target for forgetting that feminists have promoted women’s rights. An influence source, either same-gender (lower threat) or different-gender (higher threat), confronted participants with the reassociation technique and blamed them in a more versus less threatening manner. This procedure is known to induce positive attitude change when threat is lower. Results of two experiments showed that a less threatening ingroup source induced a more positive attitude change toward feminists when reassociation was less threatening than when it was more threatening, while a more threatening outgroup source achieved equally lower levels of attitude change in all conditions. In sum, the reassociation procedure can be used to ameliorate attitudes toward feminist movements, but within the framework of intragroup, not intergroup, social influence communications.

What's in a Label? Judgments of Feminist Men and Feminist Women

Although significant progress has been made on research concerning stereotypes of feminist women, very little is known about the stereotypes of feminist men. College students rated one of four terms—“feminist man,” “feminist woman,” “man,” or “woman.” Compared to “feminist woman,” “feminist man” was evaluated more positively, but as less potent (i.e., lower in stereotypically masculine characteristics) and less heterosexual. Although feminist man had the highest evaluative ratings of the four terms and was rated similarly in confidence to woman and man, compared to the other terms it was rated low in attractiveness and potency. These results suggest that at least on some dimensions a feminist man's masculinity may be questioned, which in turn may be a hindrance to men in adopting the feminist label.

Conscientization of Social Cryptomnesia Reduces Hostile Sexism and Rejection of Feminists

This paper develops a hypothesis concerning the conscientization of social cryptomnesia, claiming that it is possible to reduce the rejection of minorities by reminding the population that a certain value has been promoted by a certain minority. Participants (N = 93) first reported their attitudes toward women’s rights and feminist movements. They were then confronted with their higher appreciation of women’s rights over feminists (social cryptomnesia) and blamed for it (conscientization) in a more versus less threatening manner. Results indicated that conscientization can be effective not only in inducing a more positive attitude toward feminists, but also in decreasing hostile sexism when the threat is lower. Implications for minority influence research are discussed.

The Differential Relationship of Feminist Attitudes and Feminist Identity to Self-Efficacy

Feminist theorists have suggested that feminism provides a number of benefits for women, particularly regarding self-evaluations. However, most studies have conflated feminist attitudes and feminist identity. The main goal of this study was to assess the differential relationships of feminist attitudes and feminist identity to self-efficacy. Four hundred thirty-five students were surveyed at the beginning and end of their women's and gender studies (WGS) classes. In general, feminist attitudes and feminist identity were related to self-efficacy variables at pretest and to change in these variables over time. Feminist identity partially mediated the relationship between feminist attitudes and self-efficacy. Additionally, the results of this study generally support previous findings regarding the effect of WGS classes on students' feminist attitudes, feminist identity, and self-efficacy. Implications of these findings for the importance of feminist identity are discussed.