Coping with peer victimization predicts peer outcomes across the transition to middle school

Why rejection sensitivity leads to adolescents' loneliness: Differential exposure, reactivity, and exposure-reactivity models

INTRODUCTION

Rejection sensitivity is considered a risk factor for loneliness; however, the underlying mechanisms remain unknown. Adopting the constructs of exposure, reactivity, and exposure-reactivity from the personality framework, this study investigated three models of rejection sensitivity, bullying victimization, and loneliness to reveal why rejection sensitivity leads to loneliness among Chinese early adolescents.

METHODS

Using a longitudinal design, three-wave data were obtained (with approximately 6-month intervals) from 2381 Chinese early adolescents (51.2% boys at Time 1, Mage = 13.38, SD = 0.59) from 7 secondary schools. Students reported on their rejection sensitivity at Time 1, bullying victimization at Times 1 and 2, and their loneliness at Times 2 and 3. A longitudinal moderated mediation model was conducted to analyze the association between variables.

RESULTS

Path analyses demonstrated that rejection sensitivity was associated with greater loneliness for adolescents in which association was mediated by bullying victimization. High levels of rejection sensitivity exacerbate the adverse effect of bullying victimization on loneliness. Furthermore, in line with the differential exposure-reactivity model, the effect of rejection sensitivity on loneliness mediated by bullying victimization only existed for high rejection-sensitive adolescents.

CONCLUSIONS

The findings emphasize the dual role of rejection sensitivity in the development process of adolescents' loneliness and highlight the importance of identifying rejection-sensitive adolescents for intervention and prevention efforts.

Fast and friendly: The role of vocal cues in adolescents' responses to and perceptions of peer provocation

Adolescents self-report using different strategies to respond to peer provocation. However, we have a limited understanding of how these responses are behaviorally enacted and perceived by peers. This study examined the extent to which adolescents' self-reported responses to peer provocation (i.e., aggressive, assertive, and withdrawn) predicted how their vocal enactments of standardized responses to peer provocation were perceived by other adolescents. Three vocal cues relevant to the communication of emotional intent-average pitch, average intensity, and speech rate-were explored as moderators of these associations. Adolescent speakers (n = 39; Mage = 12.67; 66.7% girls) completed a self-report measure of how they would choose to respond to scenarios involving peer provocation; they also enacted standardized vocal responses to hypothetical peer provocation scenarios. Recordings of speakers' vocal responses were presented to a separate sample of adolescent listeners (n = 129; Mage = 12.12; 52.7% girls) in an online listening task. Speakers who self-reported greater use of assertive response strategies enacted standardized vocal responses that were rated as significantly friendlier by listeners. Vocal responses enacted with faster speech rates were also rated as significantly friendlier by listeners. Speakers' self-reported use of aggression and withdrawal was not significantly related to listeners' ratings of their standardized vocal responses. These findings suggest that adolescents may be perceived differently by their peers depending on the way in which their response is enacted; specifically, faster speech rate may be perceived as friendlier and thus de-escalate peer conflict. Future studies should consider not only what youth say and/or do when responding to peer provocation but also how they say it.

Peer Stress Spills Over to Family Stress in the Context of Emotion Regulation Difficulties: A Daily Diary Study with Chinese Adolescents

Conflict in peer and family relationships becomes more common in the adolescent period when compared to previous developmental periods. These typical developmental challenges can be exacerbated in the context of poor emotion regulation skills. Using daily diary data, the current study examined the stress spillover effects of peer and family stress on one another, as well as the moderating role of emotion regulation challenges (i.e., emotional inhibition, dysregulation). A sample of 310 Chinese adolescents (Mage = 13.02 years, SD = 0.76 years, 50.7% boys) completed an initial measure of emotion regulation difficulties, then reported on peer and family stress for 10 consecutive weekdays. Results indicated that there was an overall same-day peer stress spillover effect in which adolescents' peer stress on a given day was negatively associated with later conflictual interactions with their parents. Further, the relation between peer stress and same- and next-day family stress was exacerbated in the context of high levels of emotional inhibition. Family stress did not significantly relate to next-day peer stress, nor was this association moderated by difficulties with emotion regulation. These results highlight the temporal sequence of daily peer-to-family stress spillover. Though emotional inhibition may be culturally adaptive for maintaining interpersonal harmony, it can be maladaptive in managing stress for Chinese adolescents.

Coping strategies in response to peer victimization: Comparing adolescents in the United States and Korea

We examined cultural specificity in how adolescents' coping strategies in response to peer victimization are associated with adjustment with a sample of 7th-8th graders from the United States (n = 292, 60% female, Mage  = 13.6, SD = 0.65) and South Korea (n = 462, 50.2% female, Mage  = 13.7, SD = 0.58). Participants read scenarios describing victimization and rated the likelihood of utilizing different coping strategies. US adolescents rated conflict resolution, cognitive distancing, and revenge higher than Korean adolescents, while Korean adolescents endorsed social support seeking more than US adolescents. Social support seeking was positively associated with global self-worth in both countries; however, social support seeking was negatively related to depression and social anxiety only for Korean youth.

Gratitude for Bystander Action Varies by Peer Intervention and Social Norms

Gratitude is associated with increased social integration, which may counter the loneliness stemming from repeated peer victimization. The gratitude youth feel after different types of bystander action may depend on which behaviors are most congruent with personal beliefs. Face and honor cultures provide social norms for expectations and interpretations of behavior, including how to act during and after interpersonal conflict. In the current study, 264 ethnically diverse adolescents (African, European, Mexican-American, and Indigenous) from the Pacific Northwest described past instances when they experienced an act of peer-instigated aggression and subsequent bystander action. We examined how face and honor endorsements predicted victims' gratitude following three different types of bystander action (calm, avenge, and reconcile). Face endorsement predicted higher gratitude for being calmed, whereas honor endorsement predicted higher gratitude for being avenged. Bystander efforts to reconcile conflict elicited the most gratitude but were not related to social norm endorsement. Our findings shed light on the association between social norm endorsement and victimized youths' gratitude for their intervening peers' bystander actions.

Longitudinal associations between coping and peer victimization: Moderation by gender and initial peer victimization

Stress coping theories suggest that the effectiveness of coping depends on the level of stress experienced. Existing research shows that efforts to cope with high levels of peer victimization may not prevent subsequent peer victimization. Additionally, associations between coping and peer victimization often differ between boys and girls. The present study included 242 participants (51% girls; 34% Black, 65% White; Mage = 15.75 years). Adolescents reported on coping with peer stress at age 16 and on overt and relational peer victimization at ages 16 and 17. Greater use of primary control engaged coping (e.g., problem-solving) was associated positively with overt peer victimization for boys with higher initial overt victimization. Primary control coping was also associated positively with relational victimization regardless of gender or initial relational peer victimization. Secondary control coping (e.g., cognitive distancing) was associated negatively with overt peer victimization. Secondary control coping was also associated negatively with relational victimization for boys. Greater use of disengaged coping (e.g., avoidance) was associated positively with overt and relational peer victimization for girls with higher initial victimization. Gender differences and the context and level of stress should be considered in future research and interventions related to coping with peer stress.

Coping with Relationship Stress in Adolescence: A Decade in Review

At a moment in history when stress levels among adolescents are high and coping capacities are taxed, it seems timely and important to review a decade's accomplishments in elucidating how, and with what effects, adolescents cope with relationship stress. We provide an update on research about coping with parent, peer, and romantic stress and discuss the effectiveness of coping strategies across cultures, developmental periods, and levels of social stress. We explore relations between coping and other automatic and reflective responses to stress and highlight innovations in lab-based and ambulatory assessments. We recommend studies of variability in the success of coping at different intensities of relationship stress and research with real-time and repeated assessments to capture the process of coping.

Coping Strategies against Peer Victimization: Differences According to Gender, Grade, Victimization Status and Perceived Classroom Social Climate

The Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) include “Good Health and Well-being” (SDG3) and “Quality Education” (SDG4). Nevertheless, many students cannot achieve these goals if they suffer peer victimization at their schools, and intervention programs to reduce it are necessary. These programs should consider the possible differences in the coping strategies preferred by students according to some personal (e.g., gender, grade, victimization status) and contextual (e.g., perceived classroom social climate) factors to be more effective. Therefore, the objective of this study was to analyze the possible differences in the coping strategies preferred by students (ask a friend for help, ask a teacher for help, ask parents for help, not ask anyone for help, fighting back, avoid the aggressor and ask the aggressor why) to handle situations of relational, physical and verbal peer victimization according to their gender, school grade, victimization status and perceived classroom social climate. The sample comprised 479 students (52.2% boys, 47.8% girls) aged from 9 to 14 years (M = 11.21, SD = 1.52). The results showed that girls chose the strategies of asking friends or adults for help and asking the aggressor why more than boys, while boys chose the strategies of fighting back and not ask anyone for help more than girls. The coping strategy of asking a teacher for help was preferred more by students of lower school grades and by students with a positive perception of the classroom climate. Victimized students preferred the strategy of not asking anyone for help. These results may be useful for developing more effective intervention programs. These programs should aim to enhance the teacher–student relationship in upper school grades, help victimized students to inform about peer aggression situations and improve perceived classroom social climate.