Voting by Israeli patients

Voter participation among people attending mental health services in Ireland

BACKGROUND

People with mental illness experience social and political exclusion but there is limited understanding of voting behaviour in this population.

AIMS

This study assessed voter participation and attitudes towards voting among people attending mental health services in Dublin, Ireland.

METHODS

Psychiatry outpatients and inpatients were studied over2 months following Ireland's 2016 general election (n = 117). Characteristics of participants who did and did not vote were compared and reasons for voting choices explored.

RESULTS

Over half of participants (52.1%) voted (national rate 65.1%) although more (83.8%) were registered. Forty-one percent had insufficient information about voting: the most common information deficits related to voting rights (31.6%) and voting in hospital (18.8%). Inpatients (20.0%) were substantially less likely to vote than outpatients (63.2%). Majorities endorsed the importance of people with mental illness voting. The most common reasons for not voting were being in hospital (32.1%) and not being registered (30.4%).

CONCLUSIONS

Politicians should note that a majority of people with mental illness are outpatients and a significant proportion vote. Voting among inpatients has improved since 2011 but more information and support are needed to optimise voting rates in this population.

Voting and mental illness: the silent constituency

Mental illness has been long associated with denial of certain human rights, social exclusion and political disempowerment. Too often, the effects of adverse social, economic and political circumstances, along with stigma, constitute a form of 'structural violence', which impairs access to psychiatric and social services, and amplifies the effects of mental illness in the lives of sufferers and their families. Existing literature indicates that voting rates are low among people with mental illness and, whereas voting preferences in the mentally ill may tend towards the liberal end of the political spectrum, they do not differ dramatically from the overall population. Rates of voting could be improved by mental health service users, service providers, advocacy services and others through (a) improved awareness of voting rights; (b) provision of information, especially to inpatients;

Israeli psychiatric inpatients go to the polls

In 1996, mobile polls were introduced in Israel, enabling physically and emotionally ill inpatients to vote. We surveyed the rate of participation of inpatients at Lev-Hasharon Mental Health Center in parliamentary elections, their feelings regarding voting, and the nature of their vote, compared with the general population. One hundred eighteen of 306 (38.6%) patients voted compared with 63.8% of the general population. Forty-nine more patients (16%) wanted to vote but were unable to for technical reasons. More patients voted in the open than the closed wards (chi=14.5; df=1; p=.001). Most patients reported positive subjective feelings, a sense of responsibility (39%), belonging to the general community (28%), and pride (22%) after voting. Psychiatric inpatients voted similarly to the general population, though their percentage of voters was significantly lower. This discrepancy can be accounted for by lack of concern and ineligibility due to lack of identification documents that may reflect fundamental illness-related problems.

The power gap: Freedom, power and mental illness

Up to one in four individuals in the US meet the diagnostic criteria for a mental illness in any given year and a significant proportion have severe or recurring illnesses (e.g. schizophrenia). Despite this prevalence, mental health services remain poorly funded, mental illness remains misunderstood and individuals with recurring illness are constrained to live lives characterized by isolation, under-employment, stigma and denial of rights. Here I examine the idea that this situation is attributable, at least in part, to the ways in which the freedom and power of the mentally ill are undermined by a range of factors, including: (i) dispersion of political power amongst interest groups, which, combined with the relatively wide distribution of the 'interest' of mental illness, has the paradoxical result that mental health interest groups do not command political power proportional to the number affected; (ii) systematic exclusion of the mentally ill from full participation in civic, social and political life (structural violence), resulting in a lack of emphasis on mental health on political agendas and the exclusion of certain policy options as possible responses and (iii) difficulties the mentally ill may experience recognizing or articulating their own needs the absence of effective health-care systems, and the absence of knowledge about alternative systems. I argue that the enhancement of individual agency is central to efforts to address this power gap, including: (i) rights-based approaches, involving the enhancement of national mental health legislation, improvement of advocacy, empowerment and guardianship processes and development of governance, accountability and quality procedures in mental health services; (ii) approaches based on enhancing direct political participation, including voter-registration programmes and development of larger, more effective interest groups and (iii) additional approaches, including increasing accountability throughout services, recognizing the effects of socio-political change on the context of care and adapting the concept of 'soft power' to strengthen advocacy programmes.