Effects of "Dirty" Information on Disgust Responding to an Unknown Animal in Children: The Moderating Role of Maternal Disgust Proneness

Although research has shown that disgust facilitates avoidance of small animals among adults, much less is known about disgust appraisals of small animals in children as well as the predictors of such appraisals. To address this gap, children (ages 5-13) were exposed to dirt-related and cleanliness-related information about unknown animals. The extent to which these types of information influenced children's feelings of fear, disgust, positivity, and avoidance behavior in relation to the animals was examined. The present study then examined the extent to which child and maternal disgust proneness predicted feelings of disgust to the 'dirty' animal. The findings show that providing dirt-related information resulted in a significant increase in disgust, but not fear, responding to the animal. Dirt-related information also resulted in a significant decrease in positive feelings toward the animal. Conversely, providing cleanliness-related information resulted in a significant decrease in disgust, but not fear, responding to the animal. In addition, providing cleanliness-related information resulted in a significant increase in positive feelings toward the animal. Children also engage in more avoidance of the animal described as dirty compared to the animal described as clean. In addition, subsequent analysis revealed an interaction between child and maternal disgust propensity in predicting learned disgust to the dirty animal such that the highest levels of feelings of disgust to the dirty animal were observed among children with high disgust proneness who also have mothers with high disgust proneness. The implications of these findings for conceptualizing the role of disgust in animal phobias among youth will be discussed.

The paradox of moral cleansing: When physical cleansing leads to increased contamination concerns

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

Moral threats, including threats to moral self-worth, have been associated with contamination concerns. Paradoxically, although self-cleansing provides temporary relief, it can worsen feelings of contamination. Self-affirmation might be an effective strategy, especially following obsessive type cognitions (e.g., responsibility beliefs) when moral threats are reactivated.

METHODS

In Experiment 1, participants recalled an immoral deed and then self-cleansed (using a hand-wipe), completed a control task, or self-affirmed. Contamination concerns were subsequently measured by a washing task. In Experiment 2, the same procedure was used but obsessive-type cognitions were activated by asking participants a series of questions about obsessive beliefs.

RESULTS

As expected, relative to the control condition, both self-affirmation and self-cleansing resulted in less subsequent repeated washing behaviour in Experiment 1. In Experiment 2, when the immoral recall was followed by activation of obsessive-type cognitions, self-cleansing led to more guilt and repeated washing than self-affirmation and control. Rather than alleviating feelings of contamination, physical self-cleansing led to more contamination concerns and guilt when in the context of activated obsessive-type cognitions, possibly because it paradoxically makes (moral) cleanliness goals salient.

LIMITATIONS

Future research needs to test clinical populations, for whom contamination concerns are all the more central.

CONCLUSIONS

This research provides further evidence of the influence of moral threat in contamination concerns, and the limits of moral cleansing. Self-affirmation resulted in less contamination concerns under both a neutral condition and activated obsessive type cognitions.

On God-Belief and Feeling Clean

Recent work has shown robust associations between morality and cleanliness. However, it is not known whether this association is equally consequential for everyone. I predicted that individuals high (vs. low) in God-belief would be more likely to draw upon feelings of cleanliness to represent their moral concerns. To test this hypothesis, I used a 2-week daily sampling protocol. In an initial session, I measured participants’ ( N = 135) level of God-belief. I then measured participants’ levels of daily cleanliness, neuroticism, impulsivity, and prosocial behaviors every evening. Daily feelings of cleanliness predicted lower levels of neuroticism but only for those high in God-belief. Daily impulsive behaviors predicted lower feelings of cleanliness, and daily prosocial behaviors predicted higher feelings of cleanliness. God-belief moderated these effects such that they were stronger for those higher, than lower, in God-belief. In closing, I discuss potential reasons for these moderation effects and other theoretical considerations.