Martin Mayman's early memories technique: bridging the gap between personality assessment and psychotherapy

Earliest versus other autobiographical memories of school-age children

Earliest memories have been the topic of scientific research for over a century and seen use as tools of clinical assessment. Still, it remains unclear whether they are in some way distinct or revealing about the person reporting them. This preregistered study examined whether children’s self-reported earliest memories differ from other memories, and how their features link with mood and gender. Urban 9–13-year-old children in Finland (N = 166) reported on their earliest memory and another old autobiographical memory, and mood. Memories were coded for specificity, thematic content, social orientation, and emotional content. No differences between earliest and other memories were noted in specificity, trauma- and accident-related content, or emotional content. However, earliest memories had more play- and less visit-related content and were less likely to be social. Negative mood did not generally correlate with features of memories. Girls reported more social earliest and other memories, and more positive earliest memories. The findings are compared to research in other cultural environments. Overall, they do not support a privileged position for the earliest memory as an object of scientific research or clinical assessment.

Cultural patterns in autobiographical memory of childhood: Comparison of Chinese, Russian, and Uzbek samples

In the present study, I examined whether the regular patterns of variables that referred to mental representation of the entire childhood in young adults might be associated with the different types of cultural selves proposed by Kagitcibasi's model of family change. In this model, three types of cultural selves (heteronomous-related self, autonomous-separated self, and autonomous-related self) are merged with culturally specific styles of parenting and childhood experience. Chinese, Russian, and Uzbekistani participants (N = 439) visualized their childhood on timelines. The exploratory factor analysis suggested a three-factor solution. Factor 1 combined memories of achievements and vicarious memories; that is, memories representing events that happened to other people. In my point of view, in contrast to "we-memories," vicarious memories portray a readiness to view other people as a valuable part of one's own life, but in the context of well-defined self-boundaries. Therefore, they denote the kind of relatedness which does not contradict autonomy. Because Factor 1 was found to be the most articulated in the Chinese sample, it was linked to the autonomous-related self, with the focus on directive function of autobiographical memory. Factor 2 was composed of the abundance of recollections, the early age of first memory, and prolonged childhood. Due to the highest scores being achieved on Factor 2 in the Russian sample, it was attributed to the autonomous-separated self, employing predominantly a self-reflective function of autobiographical memory. Factor 3 consisted of memories of attending social groups, positive emotional bias, and a tendency to mention one's own birth. Taking into account that the Uzbeks achieved the highest scores on this factor, it was interpreted as a mnemonic database of a heteronomous-related self, predominantly associated with social bonding and emotion regulation functions. Taken together, the findings highlight the assumption that childhood memories reveal a cultural self.