Minority Student Academic Performance under the Uniform Admission Law: Evidence from the University of Texas at Austin

Is There a Real Need for the Preparatory Years in Higher Education? An Educational Data Analysis for College and Future Career Readiness

Universities seek to qualify students for their academic and career futures and meet labor market requirements. Hence, a preparatory year is provided to bridge the gap between high school outcomes and the needs of university study plans. The preparatory year is the first year of support in the life of university students, and for decades, it has been recognized as important. It is considered the most crucial stage in the life of university students, where they build and refine their skills and choose their academic major, in which they complete their academic and career life. Due to the importance of this year, which requires the full attention and care of the higher authorities in terms of preparation, development, and renewal, this research outlines the importance of the preparatory year at a local level and in international institutions. Moreover, it sheds light on the details of King Abdulaziz University (KAU) students as a case study. It measures the relationship between the admission weighted ratio (AWR), the college enrollment allocation weighted ratio (CEAWR), and the performance of three batches of male and female students (three consecutive years), with details of students’ college allocation after the end of the preparatory year. More importantly, it aims to realize students’ progress through their weighted averages during their preparatory year, and the extent to which the goals of the preparatory year are achieved. After an analytic survey of the reality of the preparatory year, based on the statistical tests conducted, this study found that it is not possible to be satisfied with the weighted ratio for colleges’ direct allocation of high school students. The tests showed a difference between the AWR and that of the CEAWR, which indicates a change in the level of students’ performance from high school to university, due to the positive impact of the preparatory year. More precisely, it was noted that there is a possibility of studying the sufficiency of the weighted ratio for the direct allocation of some colleges in future research.

Is There a "Workable" Race-Neutral Alternative to Affirmative Action in College Admissions?

The 2013 decision by the U.S. Supreme Court in the Fisher v. University of Texas at Austin case clarified when and how it is legally permissible for universities to use an applicant's race or ethnicity in its admissions decisions. The court concluded that such use is permissible when "no workable race-neutral alternatives would produce the educational benefits of diversity." This paper shows that replacing traditional affirmative action with a system that uses an applicant's predicted likelihood of being an underrepresented racial minority as a proxy for the applicant's actual minority status can yield an admitted class that has a lower predicted grade point average and likelihood of graduating than the class that would have been admitted using traditional affirmative action. This result suggests that race-neutral alternatives may not be "workable" from the university's perspective.

Test Scores, Class Rank and College Performance: Lessons for Broadening Access and Promoting Success

Using administrative data for five Texas universities that differ in selectivity, this study evaluates the relative influence of two key indicators for college success-high school class rank and standardized tests. Empirical results show that class rank is the superior predictor of college performance and that test score advantages do not insulate lower ranked students from academic underperformance. Using the UT-Austin campus as a test case, we conduct a simulation to evaluate the consequences of capping students admitted automatically using both achievement metrics. We find that using class rank to cap the number of students eligible for automatic admission would have roughly uniform impacts across high schools, but imposing a minimum test score threshold on all students would have highly unequal consequences by greatly reduce the admission eligibility of the highest performing students who attend poor high schools while not jeopardizing admissibility of students who attend affluent high schools. We discuss the implications of the Texas admissions experiment for higher education in Europe.

HISPANICS IN HIGHER EDUCATION AND THE TEXAS TOP TEN PERCENT LAW

This paper examines the consequences of changes in Hispanic college enrollment after affirmative action was banned and replaced by an admission guarantee for students who graduate in the top 10% of their high school class. We use administrative data on applicants, admittees and enrollees from the two most selective public institutions and TEA data about high schools to evaluate whether and how application, admission and enrollment rates changed under the three admission regimes. Despite popular claims that the top 10% law has restored diversity to Texas's public flagships, our analyses that account for secular changes in the size of graduation cohorts show that Hispanics are more disadvantaged relative to whites under the top 10% admission regime at both UT and TAMU. Simulations of Hispanics' gains and losses at each stage of the college pipeline reveal that affirmative action is the most efficient policy to diversify college campuses, even in highly segregated states like Texas.

Policy Transparency and College Enrollment: Did the Texas Top 10% Law Broaden Access to the Public Flagships?

By guaranteeing college admission to all students who graduate in the top 10% of their high school class, H.B. 588 replaced an opaque de facto practice of admitting nearly all top 10% graduates with a transparent de jure policy that required public institutions to admit all applicants eligible for the guarantee. The transparency of the new admission regime sent a clear message to students attending high schools that previously sent few students to the University of Texas at Austin and Texas A&M University. Using 18 years of administrative data to examine sending patterns, we find a sizeable decrease in the concentration of flagship enrollees originating from select feeder schools and growing shares of enrollees originating from high schools located in rural areas, small towns, and midsize cities, as well as schools with concentrations of poor and minority students. We also find substantial year-to-year persistence in sending behavior once a campus becomes a sending school, and this persistence increased after the top-10% policy was implemented.

The Impact of the Texas Top 10 Percent Law on College Enrollment: A Regression Discontinuity Approach

We use regression discontinuity methods on a representative survey of Texas high school seniors to discern the impact on flagship-enrollment behavior of the Texas top 10 percent law, which guarantees admission to any Texas public university to students who graduate in the top decile of their class. By comparing students at and immediately below the cut-point for automatic admission, we find that the top 10 percent law affects flagship enrollment of Hispanic students eligible for the admission guarantee, as well as rank-eligible graduates from high schools where minority students predominate and from high schools with the state average share of economically disadvantaged students. Our findings are robust to various model specifications and different bandwidth choices using local linear estimation.