Early recognition of familiar word-forms as a function of production skills

Longitudinal changes in consonant production in infant-directed speech and infants' early speech production from 6 to 12 months

Previous research suggests that acoustic features of infant-directed speech (IDS) might be beneficial for infants' language development. However, consonants have gained less attention than vowels and prosody. In the current study, we examined voice onset time (VOT) - a distinguishing cue for stop consonant contrasts - in IDS and adult-directed speech (ADS), and its relation to infants' speech production. We used a longitudinal sample of 48 Norwegian parent-infant dyads. Parents' IDS and ADS were recorded in-lab at three timepoints (infants' age: 6, 9, 12 months), and the VOTs of the stop consonants /b-p/, /d-t/, and /g-k/ were measured. In addition, at each timepoint, parents reported their infants' production of the same consonants, as well as their babbling. Hypotheses were preregistered, and we used full-null model comparisons to minimise type I-errors in the analyses. Our results demonstrate that, while controlling for speaking rate, in IDS, parents' VOTs were longer in voiceless stops, but shorter in voiced stops, resulting in overall less distinct consonant contrasts compared to ADS. Further, VOTs in IDS approached ADS values with infants' age. However, we found no relationship between parents' VOTs and infants' consonant production or babbling. Consonants, like vowels, appear to be less distinct in IDS than ADS, thus reinforcing the interpretation that IDS may serve an attentional and/or affective aim, rather than a didactic purpose.

Infants' sensitivity to phonotactic regularities related to perceptually low-salient fricatives: a cross-linguistic study

Introduction

Infants' sensitivity to language-specific phonotactic regularities emerges between 6- and 9- months of age, and this sensitivity has been shown to impact other early processes such as wordform segmentation and word learning. However, the acquisition of phonotactic regularities involving perceptually low-salient phonemes (i.e., phoneme contrasts that are hard to discriminate at an early age), has rarely been studied and prior results show mixed findings. Here, we aimed to further assess infants' acquisition of such regularities, by focusing on the low-salient contrast of /s/- and /ʃ/-initial consonant clusters.

Methods

Using the headturn preference procedure, we assessed whether French- and German-learning 9-month-old infants are sensitive to language-specific regularities varying in frequency within and between the two languages (i.e., /st/ and /sp/ frequent in French, but infrequent in German, /ʃt/ and /ʃp/ frequent in German, but infrequent in French).

Results

French-learning infants preferred the frequent over the infrequent phonotactic regularities, but the results for the German-learning infants were less clear.

Discussion

These results suggest crosslinguistic acquisition patterns, although an exploratory direct comparison of the French- and German-learning groups was inconclusive, possibly linked to low statistical power to detect such differences. Nevertheless, our findings suggest that infants' early phonotactic sensitivities extend to regularities involving perceptually low-salient phoneme contrasts at 9 months, and highlight the importance of conducting cross-linguistic research on such language-specific processes.