The function of one-word mediators in the recall of word pairs

Selecting effectively contributes to the mnemonic benefits of self-generated cues

Self-generated memory cues support recall of target information more robustly than memory cues generated by others. Across two experiments, we tested whether the benefit of self-generated cues in part reflects a meta-mnemonic effect rather than a pure generation effect. In other words, can learners select better memory cues for themselves than others can? Participants generated as many possible memory cues for each to-be-remembered target as they could and then selected the cue they thought would be most effective. Self-selected memory cues elicited better cued recall than cues the generator did not select and cues selected by observers. Critically, this effect cannot be attributed to the process of generating a cue itself because all of the cues were self-generated. Further analysis indicated that differences in cue selection arise because generators and observers valued different cue characteristics; specifically, observers valued the commonality of the cue more than the generators, while generators valued the distinctiveness of a cue more than observers. Together, results suggest that self-generated cues are effective at supporting memory, in part, because learners select cues that are tailored to their specific memory needs.

What characteristics make self-generated memory cues effective over time?

From writing to-do lists to creating mnemonic devices in school, people frequently generate cues to help them remember information. Creating memory cues is a vital aspect of metacognition and allows learners to somewhat control their retrieval circumstances. Across three experiments, we tested the extent to which self-generated memory cues fail at long retention intervals because they are based in fleeting mental states. Participants studied target words and generated mnemonic cues for themselves or for others. Cues intended for others showed greater cue-to-target associative strength, were less distinctive, and were less idiosyncratic (more common) than cues intended for oneself. However, the effectiveness of the cues in supporting recall did not differ by intended recipient at medium (∼3 days) or long (∼1 year) retention intervals. In the third experiment, we directly tested the stability of self-generated cues for oneself (compared to cues for others, descriptions of the target, and focused descriptions) by asking participants to generate cues twice for the same targets across a delay of 3 weeks. Cues intended for others were more stable than all other cues, but the stability of the cues did not affect long term retention. Implications for effective cue generation are discussed.

Using prior knowledge to minimize interference when learning large amounts of information

In three experiments, we examined mediated learning in situations involving learning a large amount of information. Participants learned 144 "facts" during a learning phase and were tested on facts during a test phase. In Experiments 1 and 2, participants learned facts about familiar individuals, unfamiliar individuals, or unfamiliar individuals associated with familiar individuals. Prior knowledge reduced interference, even when it played only a mediating role. In Experiment 3, participants learned facts about unfamiliar individuals or unfamiliar countries, with half the participants in each group associating the unfamiliar items with familiar individuals. Again, use of prior knowledge to mediate learning reduced interference even when the new information was conceptually dissimilar to the previously known information. These results are consistent with the mental model account of long-term memory.

Effects of colored separate and interactive pictures on cued recall

Participants (N = 509) were tested for backward cued recall of concrete noun pairs illustrated with pictures. Recall was considerably higher when a picture showed an interactive relationship than when the two items were drawn separately. However, with separate pictures in which the stimulus drawing appeared in a color that bore a direct relationship to the response object or when both drawings shared a color that was not related to the response object, recall was higher than with uncolored drawings. Performance was even better when the shared color was associated with the response object, although it remained below that with uncolored interactive pictures. The positive effects of shared colors did not occur with interactive pictures, but recall improved further when the response color appeared either in the stimulus or response portions of the combined drawing. It is concluded that cued recall is mediated by common elements and that the effects are additive, at least with separate pictures.