Disentangling Effects of Memory Storage and Inter-articulator Coordination on Generalization in Speech Motor Sequence Learning

Generalization in motor control is the extent to which motor learning affects movements in situations different than those in which it originally occurred. Recent data on orofacial speech movements indicates that motor sequence learning generalizes to novel syllable sequences containing phonotactically illegal, but previously practiced, consonant clusters. Practicing an entire syllable, however, results in even larger performance gains compared to practicing just its clusters. These patterns of generalization could reflect language-general changes in phonological memory storage and/or inter-articulator coordination during motor sequence learning. To disentangle these factors, we conducted two experiments in which talkers intensively practiced producing novel syllables containing illegal onset and coda clusters over two consecutive days. During the practice phases of both experiments, we observed that, through repetition, talkers gradually produced the syllables with fewer errors, indicative of learning. After learning, talkers were tested for generalization to single syllables (Experiment 1) or syllable pairs (Experiment 2) that overlapped to varying degrees with the practiced syllables. Across both experiments, we found that performance improvements from practicing syllables with illegal clusters partially generalized to novel syllables that contained those clusters, but performance was more error prone if the clusters occurred in a different syllable position (onset versus coda) as in practice, demonstrating that inter-articulator coordination is contextually sensitive. Furthermore, changing the position of a cluster was found to be more deleterious to motor performance during the production of the second syllables in syllable pairs, which required talkers to store more phonological material in memory prior to articulation, compared to single syllables. This interaction effect reveals a complex interplay between memory storage and inter-articulator coordination on generalization in speech motor sequence learning.

Interarticulator Speech Coordination: Timing Is of the Essence

PURPOSE

In skilled speech production, sets of articulators, such as the jaw, tongue, and lips, work cooperatively to achieve task-specific movement goals, despite rampant contextual variation. Efforts to understand these functional units, termed coordinative structures, have focused on identifying the essential control parameters responsible for allowing articulators to achieve these goals, with some research focusing on temporal parameters (relative timing of movements) and other research focusing on spatiotemporal parameters (phase angle of movement onset for one articulator, relative to another). Here, both types of parameters were investigated and compared in detail.

METHOD

Ten talkers recorded nonsense, disyllabic /tV#Cat/ utterances using electromagnetic articulography, with alternative V (/ɑ/-/ɛ/) and C (/t/-/d/), across variation in rate (fast-slow) and stress (first syllable stressed-unstressed). Two measures were obtained: (a) the timing of tongue-tip raising onset for medial C, relative to jaw opening-closing cycles and (b) the angle of tongue-tip raising onset, relative to the jaw phase plane.

RESULTS

Results showed that any manipulation that shortened the jaw opening-closing cycle reduced both the relative timing and phase angle of the tongue-tip movement onset, but relative timing of tongue-tip movement onset scaled more consistently with jaw opening-closing across rate and stress variation.

CONCLUSION

These findings suggest the existence of an intrinsic timing mechanism (or "central clock") that is the primary control parameter for coordinative structures, with online compensation then allowing these structures to achieve their goals spatially.

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.22144259.

An investigation of interference between electromagnetic articulography and electroglottography

The present study tested whether there is cross-interference between electromagnetic articulography (EMA) and electroglottography (EGG) during the acquisition of kinematic speech data. In experiments 1A and 1B, EMA sensors were calibrated with and without EGG electrodes present in the EMA field. In experiment 2, EMA was used to record lip, tongue, and jaw movements for one male speaker and one female speaker, with and without simultaneous EGG recording. Collectively, the results provide no evidence of signal artifacts in either direction, suggesting that EMA and EGG technology can be combined to reliably assess laryngeal and supralaryngeal motor coordination in speech.

Setting the Stage for Speech Production: Infants Prefer Listening to Speech Sounds With Infant Vocal Resonances

PURPOSE

Current models of speech development argue for an early link between speech production and perception in infants. Recent data show that young infants (at 4-6 months) preferentially attend to speech sounds (vowels) with infant vocal properties compared to those with adult vocal properties, suggesting the presence of special "memory banks" for one's own nascent speech-like productions. This study investigated whether the vocal resonances (formants) of the infant vocal tract are sufficient to elicit this preference and whether this perceptual bias changes with age and emerging vocal production skills.

METHOD

We selectively manipulated the fundamental frequency (f₀ ) of vowels synthesized with formants specifying either an infant or adult vocal tract, and then tested the effects of those manipulations on the listening preferences of infants who were slightly older than those previously tested (at 6-8 months).

RESULTS

Unlike findings with younger infants (at 4-6 months), slightly older infants in Experiment 1 displayed a robust preference for vowels with infant formants over adult formants when f₀ was matched. The strength of this preference was also positively correlated with age among infants between 4 and 8 months. In Experiment 2, this preference favoring infant over adult formants was maintained when f₀ values were modulated.

CONCLUSIONS

Infants between 6 and 8 months of age displayed a robust and distinct preference for speech with resonances specifying a vocal tract that is similar in size and length to their own. This finding, together with data indicating that this preference is not present in younger infants and appears to increase with age, suggests that nascent knowledge of the motor schema of the vocal tract may play a role in shaping this perceptual bias, lending support to current models of speech development.

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.17131805.

Electromagnetic articulography appears feasible for assessment of speech motor skills in cochlear-implant users

The present investigation tested whether there is cross-interference between current electromagnetic articulography (EMA) and cochlear implants (CIs). In an initial experiment, we calibrated EMA sensors with and without a CI present in the EMA field, and measured impedances of all CI electrodes when in and out of the EMA field. In a subsequent experiment, head reference sensor positions were recorded during a speaking task for a normal-hearing talker with and without a CI present in the EMA field. Results revealed minimal interference between the devices, suggesting that EMA is a promising method for assessing speech motor skills in CI users.

The Neural Circuitry Underlying the "Rhythm Effect" in Stuttering

Purpose Stuttering is characterized by intermittent speech disfluencies, which are dramatically reduced when speakers synchronize their speech with a steady beat. The goal of this study was to characterize the neural underpinnings of this phenomenon using functional magnetic resonance imaging. Method Data were collected from 16 adults who stutter and 17 adults who do not stutter while they read sentences aloud either in a normal, self-paced fashion or paced by the beat of a series of isochronous tones ("rhythmic"). Task activation and task-based functional connectivity analyses were carried out to compare neural responses between speaking conditions and groups after controlling for speaking rate. Results Adults who stutter produced fewer disfluent trials in the rhythmic condition than in the normal condition. Adults who stutter did not have any significant changes in activation between the rhythmic condition and the normal condition, but when groups were collapsed, participants had greater activation in the rhythmic condition in regions associated with speech sequencing, sensory feedback control, and timing perception. Adults who stutter also demonstrated increased functional connectivity among cerebellar regions during rhythmic speech as compared to normal speech and decreased connectivity between the left inferior cerebellum and the left prefrontal cortex. Conclusions Modulation of connectivity in the cerebellum and prefrontal cortex during rhythmic speech suggests that this fluency-inducing technique activates a compensatory timing system in the cerebellum and potentially modulates top-down motor control and attentional systems. These findings corroborate previous work associating the cerebellum with fluency in adults who stutter and indicate that the cerebellum may be targeted to enhance future therapeutic interventions. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.14417681.

Neurophysiological Correlates of Asymmetries in Vowel Perception: An English-French Cross-Linguistic Event-Related Potential Study

Behavioral studies examining vowel perception in infancy indicate that, for many vowel contrasts, the ease of discrimination changes depending on the order of stimulus presentation, regardless of the language from which the contrast is drawn and the ambient language that infants have experienced. By adulthood, linguistic experience has altered vowel perception; analogous asymmetries are observed for non-native contrasts but are mitigated for native contrasts. Although these directional effects are well documented behaviorally, the brain mechanisms underlying them are poorly understood. In the present study we begin to address this gap. We first review recent behavioral work which shows that vowel perception asymmetries derive from phonetic encoding strategies, rather than general auditory processes. Two existing theoretical models-the Natural Referent Vowel framework and the Native Language Magnet model-are invoked as a means of interpreting these findings. Then we present the results of a neurophysiological study which builds on this prior work. Using event-related brain potentials, we first measured and assessed the mismatch negativity response (MMN, a passive neurophysiological index of auditory change detection) in English and French native-speaking adults to synthetic vowels that either spanned two different phonetic categories (/y/vs./u/) or fell within the same category (/u/). Stimulus presentation was organized such that each vowel was presented as standard and as deviant in different blocks. The vowels were presented with a long (1,600-ms) inter-stimulus interval to restrict access to short-term memory traces and tap into a "phonetic mode" of processing. MMN analyses revealed weak asymmetry effects regardless of the (i) vowel contrast, (ii) language group, and (iii) MMN time window. Then, we conducted time-frequency analyses of the standard epochs for each vowel. In contrast to the MMN analysis, time-frequency analysis revealed significant differences in brain oscillations in the theta band (4-8 Hz), which have been linked to attention and processing efficiency. Collectively, these findings suggest that early-latency (pre-attentive) mismatch responses may not be a strong neurophysiological correlate of asymmetric behavioral vowel discrimination. Rather, asymmetries may reflect differences in neural processing efficiency for vowels with certain inherent acoustic-phonetic properties, as revealed by theta oscillatory activity.

Behavioral and neural correlates of speech motor sequence learning in stuttering and neurotypical speakers: an fMRI investigation

Stuttering is a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by impaired production of coordinated articulatory movements needed for fluent speech. It is currently unknown whether these abnormal production characteristics reflect disruptions to brain mechanisms underlying the acquisition and/or execution of speech motor sequences. To dissociate learning and control processes, we used a motor sequence learning paradigm to examine the behavioral and neural correlates of learning to produce novel phoneme sequences in adults who stutter (AWS) and neurotypical controls. Participants intensively practiced producing pseudowords containing non-native consonant clusters (e.g., "gvasf") over two days. The behavioral results indicated that although the two experimental groups showed comparable learning trajectories, AWS performed significantly worse on the task prior to and after speech motor practice. Using functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), the authors compared brain activity during articulation of the practiced words and a set of novel pseudowords (matched in phonetic complexity). FMRI analyses revealed no differences between AWS and controls in cortical or subcortical regions; both groups showed comparable increases in activation in left-lateralized brain areas implicated in phonological working memory and speech motor planning during production of the novel sequences compared to the practiced sequences. Moreover, activation in left-lateralized basal ganglia sites was negatively correlated with in-scanner mean disfluency in AWS. Collectively, these findings demonstrate that AWS exhibit no deficit in constructing new speech motor sequences but do show impaired execution of these sequences before and after they have been acquired and consolidated.

Disentangling the roles of formant proximity and stimulus prototypicality in adult vowel perception

The present investigation examined the extent to which asymmetries in vowel perception derive from a sensitivity to focalization (formant proximity), stimulus prototypicality, or both. English-speaking adults identified, rated, and discriminated a vowel series that spanned a less-focal/prototypic English /u/ and a more-focal/prototypic French /u/ exemplar. Discrimination pairs included one-step, two-step, and three-step intervals along the series. Asymmetries predicted by both focalization and prototype effects emerged when discrimination step-size was varied. The findings indicate that both generic/universal and language-specific biases shape vowel perception in adults; the latter are challenging to isolate without well-controlled stimuli and appropriately scaled discrimination tasks.

Engaging the Articulators Enhances Perception of Concordant Visible Speech Movements

Purpose This study aimed to test whether (and how) somatosensory feedback signals from the vocal tract affect concurrent unimodal visual speech perception. Method Participants discriminated pairs of silent visual utterances of vowels under 3 experimental conditions: (a) normal (baseline) and while holding either (b) a bite block or (c) a lip tube in their mouths. To test the specificity of somatosensory-visual interactions during perception, we assessed discrimination of vowel contrasts optically distinguished based on their mandibular (English /ɛ/-/æ/) or labial (English /u/-French /u/) postures. In addition, we assessed perception of each contrast using dynamically articulating videos and static (single-frame) images of each gesture (at vowel midpoint). Results Engaging the jaw selectively facilitated perception of the dynamic gestures optically distinct in terms of jaw height, whereas engaging the lips selectively facilitated perception of the dynamic gestures optically distinct in terms of their degree of lip compression and protrusion. Thus, participants perceived visible speech movements in relation to the configuration and shape of their own vocal tract (and possibly their ability to produce covert vowel production-like movements). In contrast, engaging the articulators had no effect when the speaking faces did not move, suggesting that the somatosensory inputs affected perception of time-varying kinematic information rather than changes in target (movement end point) mouth shapes. Conclusions These findings suggest that orofacial somatosensory inputs associated with speech production prime premotor and somatosensory brain regions involved in the sensorimotor control of speech, thereby facilitating perception of concordant visible speech movements. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.9911846.

Chunking of phonological units in speech sequencing

Efficient speech communication requires rapid, fluent production of phoneme sequences. To achieve this, our brains store frequently occurring subsequences as cohesive "chunks" that reduce phonological working memory load and improve motor performance. The current study used a motor-sequence learning paradigm in which the generalization of two performance gains (utterance duration and errors) from practicing novel phoneme sequences was used to infer the nature of these speech chunks. We found that performance improvements in duration from practicing syllables with non-native consonant clusters largely generalized to new syllables that contained those clusters. Practicing the whole syllable, however, resulted in larger performance gains in error rates compared to practicing just the consonant clusters. Collectively, these findings are consistent with theories of speech production that posit the consonant cluster as a fundamental unit of phonological working memory and speech sequencing as well as those positing the syllable as a fundamental unit of motor programming.

Effects of formant proximity and stimulus prototypicality on the neural discrimination of vowels: Evidence from the auditory frequency-following response

Cross-language speech perception experiments indicate that for many vowel contrasts, discrimination is easier when the same pair of vowels is presented in one direction compared to the reverse direction. According to one account, these directional asymmetries reflect a universal bias favoring "focal" vowels (i.e., vowels with prominent spectral peaks formed by the convergence of adjacent formants). An alternative account is that such effects reflect an experience-dependent bias favoring prototypical exemplars of native-language vowel categories. Here, we tested the predictions of these accounts by recording the auditory frequency-following response in English-speaking listeners to two synthetic variants of the vowel /u/ that differed in the proximity of their first and second formants and prototypicality, with stimuli arranged in oddball and reversed-oddball blocks. Participants showed evidence of neural discrimination when the more-focal/less-prototypic /u/ served as the deviant stimulus, but not when the less-focal/more-prototypic /u/ served as the deviant, consistent with the focalization account.

Asymmetric discrimination of nonspeech tonal analogues of vowels

Directional asymmetries reveal a universal bias in vowel perception favoring extreme vocalic articulations, which lead to acoustic vowel signals with dynamic formant trajectories and well-defined spectral prominences because of the convergence of adjacent formants. The present experiments investigated whether this bias reflects speech-specific processes or general properties of spectral processing in the auditory system. Toward this end, we examined whether analogous asymmetries in perception arise with nonspeech tonal analogues that approximate some of the dynamic and static spectral characteristics of naturally produced /u/ vowels executed with more versus less extreme lip gestures. We found a qualitatively similar but weaker directional effect with 2-component tones varying in both the dynamic changes and proximity of their spectral energies. In subsequent experiments, we pinned down the phenomenon using tones that varied in 1 or both of these 2 acoustic characteristics. We found comparable asymmetries with tones that differed exclusively in their spectral dynamics, and no asymmetries with tones that differed exclusively in their spectral proximity or both spectral features. We interpret these findings as evidence that dynamic spectral changes are a critical cue for eliciting asymmetries in nonspeech tone perception, but that the potential contribution of general auditory processes to asymmetries in vowel perception is limited. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2019 APA, all rights reserved).

Asymmetries in unimodal visual vowel perception: The roles of oral-facial kinematics, orientation, and configuration

Masapollo, Polka, and Ménard (2017) recently reported a robust directional asymmetry in unimodal visual vowel perception: Adult perceivers discriminate a change from an English /u/ viseme to a French /u/ viseme significantly better than a change in the reverse direction. This asymmetry replicates a frequent pattern found in unimodal auditory vowel perception that points to a universal bias favoring more extreme vocalic articulations, which lead to acoustic signals with increased formant convergence. In the present article, the authors report 5 experiments designed to investigate whether this asymmetry in the visual realm reflects a speech-specific or general processing bias. They successfully replicated the directional effect using Masapollo et al.'s dynamically articulating faces but failed to replicate the effect when the faces were shown under static conditions. Asymmetries also emerged during discrimination of canonically oriented point-light stimuli that retained the kinematics and configuration of the articulating mouth. In contrast, no asymmetries emerged during discrimination of rotated point-light stimuli or Lissajou patterns that retained the kinematics, but not the canonical orientation or spatial configuration, of the labial gestures. These findings suggest that the perceptual processes underlying asymmetries in unimodal visual vowel discrimination are sensitive to speech-specific motion and configural properties and raise foundational questions concerning the role of specialized and general processes in vowel perception. (PsycINFO Database Record

A universal bias in adult vowel perception - By ear or by eye

Speech perceivers are universally biased toward "focal" vowels (i.e., vowels whose adjacent formants are close in frequency, which concentrates acoustic energy into a narrower spectral region). This bias is demonstrated in phonetic discrimination tasks as a directional asymmetry: a change from a relatively less to a relatively more focal vowel results in significantly better performance than a change in the reverse direction. We investigated whether the critical information for this directional effect is limited to the auditory modality, or whether visible articulatory information provided by the speaker's face also plays a role. Unimodal auditory and visual as well as bimodal (auditory-visual) vowel stimuli were created from video recordings of a speaker producing variants of /u/, differing in both their degree of focalization and visible lip rounding (i.e., lip compression and protrusion). In Experiment 1, we confirmed that subjects showed an asymmetry while discriminating the auditory vowel stimuli. We then found, in Experiment 2, a similar asymmetry when subjects lip-read those same vowels. In Experiment 3, we found asymmetries, comparable to those found for unimodal vowels, for bimodal vowels when the audio and visual channels were phonetically-congruent. In contrast, when the audio and visual channels were phonetically-incongruent (as in the "McGurk effect"), this asymmetry was disrupted. These findings collectively suggest that the perceptual processes underlying the "focal" vowel bias are sensitive to articulatory information available across sensory modalities, and raise foundational issues concerning the extent to which vowel perception derives from general-auditory or speech-gesture-specific processes.

Directional asymmetries reveal a universal bias in adult vowel perception

Research on cross-language vowel perception in both infants and adults has shown that for many vowel contrasts, discrimination is easier when the same pair of vowels is presented in one direction compared to the reverse direction. According to one account, these directional asymmetries reflect a universal bias favoring "focal" vowels (i.e., vowels whose adjacent formants are close in frequency, which concentrates acoustic energy into a narrower spectral region). An alternative, but not mutually exclusive, account is that such effects reflect an experience-dependent bias favoring prototypical instances of native-language vowel categories. To disentangle the effects of focalization and prototypicality, the authors first identified a certain location in phonetic space where vowels were consistently categorized as /u/ by both Canadian-English and Canadian-French listeners, but that nevertheless varied in their stimulus goodness (i.e., the best Canadian-French /u/ exemplars were more focal compared to the best Canadian-English /u/ exemplars). In subsequent AX discrimination tests, both Canadian-English and Canadian-French listeners performed better at discriminating changes from less to more focal /u/'s compared to the reverse, regardless of variation in prototypicality. These findings demonstrate a universal bias favoring vowels with greater formant convergence that operates independently of biases related to language-specific prototype categorization.

Who’s Talking Now? Infants’ Perception of Vowels With Infant Vocal Properties

Little is known about infants’ abilities to perceive and categorize their own speech sounds or vocalizations produced by other infants. In the present study, prebabbling infants were habituated to /i/ (“ee”) or /a/ (“ah”) vowels synthesized to simulate men, women, and children, and then were presented with new instances of the habituation vowel and a contrasting vowel on different trials, with all vowels simulating infant talkers. Infants showed greater recovery of interest to the contrasting vowel than to the habituation vowel, which demonstrates recognition of the habituation-vowel category when it was produced by an infant. A second experiment showed that encoding the vowel category and detecting the novel vowel required additional processing when infant vowels were included in the habituation set. Despite these added cognitive demands, infants demonstrated the ability to track vowel categories in a multitalker array that included infant talkers. These findings raise the possibility that young infants can categorize their own vocalizations, which has important implications for early vocal learning.