Why do He and She Disagree: The Role of Binary Morphological Features in Grammatical Gender Agreement in German

In many languages, grammatical gender is an inherent property of nouns and, as such, forms a basis for agreement relations between nouns and their dependent elements (e.g., adjectives, determiners). Mental gender representation is traditionally assumed to be categorial, with categorial gender nodes corresponding to the given gender specifications in a certain language (e.g., [masculine], [feminine], [neuter] in German). In alternative models, inspired by accounts put forward in theoretical linguistics, it has been argued that mental gender representations consist of sets of binary features which might be fully specified (e.g., masc [+ m, - f], fem [- m, + f], neut [- m, - f]) or underspecified (e.g., masc [+ m], fem [+ f], neut [] or masc [+ m, - f], fem [], neut [- f]). We have conducted two experiments to test these controversial accounts. Native speakers of German were asked to decide on the (un-)grammaticality of gender agreement of visually presented combinations of I) definite determiners and nouns, and II) anaphoric personal pronouns and nouns in an implicit nominative singular setting. Overall, agreement violations with neuter das / es increased processing costs compared to violations with die / sie or der / er for masculine or feminine target nouns, respectively. The observed pattern poses a challenge for models involving categorial gender representation. Rather, it is consistent with feature-based representations of grammatical gender in the mental lexicon.

Tets´ǫt'ıné prefix vowel length: Evidence for systematic underspecification

Tetst'ıné is a dialect of Dëne Sųłıné (ISO: CHP) spoken in Canada's Northwest Territories. The verb system of Tetst'ıné has only recently been described (Jaker and Cardinal 2020); this paper is the first to propose an analysis of the distribution of long and short vowels in Tetst'ıné prefixes. In Tetst'ıné, all long vowels in prefixes are derived from intervocalic consonant deletion, although not all cases of intervocalic consonant deletion result in a long vowel. Whether or not deletion of an intervocalic consonant results in a long or short vowel depends on a combination of two factors: the consonant that was deleted, and the morphological level to which the preceding prefix belongs. In this paper, I propose that the basic generalization about prefix vowel length can be stated in terms of Systematic Underspecification (Kiparsky 1993). I claim that prefix vowels, unlike stem vowels, have zero moras underlyingly, and only acquire a mora after passing through at least one level of the phonology. This analysis predicts that prefix vowel length ought to be subject to a Derived Environment Effect (DEE), for which there is indeed evidence. The pattern of mora insertion in Tetst'ıné prefix vowels is thus an example of the interleaving of phonology and morphology, and illustrates how phonological behaviour can be to some extent predicted based on morphological structure.

Event-Predictive Cognition: Underspecification and Interaction With Language

Warren and Dresang comment on the contributions from a psycholinguistic perspective, highlighting close relations between the respective research on events and proposing that, for example, verbs may indeed directly pre‐activate templates of the typically involved event participants.

Abstractness of human speech sound representations

We argue, based on a study of brain responses to speech sound differences in Japanese, that memory encoding of functional speech sounds-phonemes-are highly abstract. As an example, we provide evidence for a theory where the consonants/p t k b d g/ are not only made up of symbolic features but are underspecified with respect to voicing or laryngeal features, and that languages differ with respect to which feature value is underspecified. In a previous study we showed that voiced stops are underspecified in English [Hestvik, A., & Durvasula, K. (2016). Neurobiological evidence for voicing underspecification in English. Brain and Language], as shown by asymmetries in Mismatch Negativity responses to /t/ and /d/. In the current study, we test the prediction that the opposite asymmetry should be observed in Japanese, if voiceless stops are underspecified in that language. Our results confirm this prediction. This matches a linguistic architecture where phonemes are highly abstract and do not encode actual physical characteristics of the corresponding speech sounds, but rather different subsets of abstract distinctive features.

Underspecification in toddlers' and adults' lexical representations

Recent research has shown that toddlers' lexical representations are phonologically detailed, quantitatively much like those of adults. Studies in this article explore whether toddlers' and adults' lexical representations are qualitatively similar. Psycholinguistic claims (Lahiri & Marslen-Wilson, 1991; Lahiri & Reetz, 2002, 2010) based on underspecification (Kiparsky, 1982 et seq.) predict asymmetrical judgments in lexical processing tasks; these have been supported in some psycholinguistic research showing that participants are more sensitive to noncoronal-to-coronal (pop → top) than to coronal-to-noncoronal (top → pop) changes or mispronunciations. Three experiments using on-line visual world procedures showed that 19-month-olds and adults displayed sensitivities to both noncoronal-to-coronal and coronal-to-noncoronal mispronunciations of familiar words. No hints of any asymmetries were observed for either age group. There thus appears to be considerable developmental continuity in the nature of early and mature lexical representations. Discrepancies between the current findings and those of previous studies appear to be due to methodological differences that cast doubt on the validity of claims of psycholinguistic support for lexical underspecification.

Putting underspecification in context: ERP evidence for sparse representations in morphophonological alternations

Numerous studies have shown evidence for a sparse lexicon in speech perception, often in the guise of underspecification, where certain information is omitted in the specification of phonological forms. While previous work has made a good case for underspecifying certain features of single speech sounds, the role of phonological context in underspecification has been overlooked. Contextually-mediated underspecification is particularly relevant to conceptualizations of the lexicon, as it is couched in item-specific (as opposed to phoneme-specific) patterning. In this study, we present behavioral and ERP evidence that surrounding phonological context may trigger underspecified lexical forms, using regular morphophonological alternations in English.

The Semantic Processing of Motion Verbs: Coercion or Underspecification?

Underspecification and coercion are two prominent interpretive mechanisms to account for meaning variability beyond compositionality. While there is plentiful evidence that natural language meaning constitution exploits both mechanisms, it is an open issue whether a concrete phenomenon of meaning variability is an instance of underspecification or coercion. This paper argues that this theoretical dispute can be settled experimentally. The test case are standard motion verbs (e.g. walk, ride) in combination with ±telic directional phrases, for which both underspecifaction and coercion analyses have been proposed in the literature. A self-paced reading study which incorporates motion verbs, directional phrases and durative/completive temporal adverbials (1) aims at determining the aspectual value of such verbs, and (2) compares the hypotheses of the Underspecification and Coercion Accounts. The results of the reading time experiment (flanked by a corpus study and a completion study) indicate that motion verbs are aspectually underspecified. They combine with ±telic directional phrases with equal ease. The combination with a mismatching temporal adverbial is an instance of coercion, causing additional processing costs.

Mental representations of vowel features asymmetrically modulate activity in superior temporal sulcus

Research in auditory neuroscience illustrated the importance of superior temporal sulcus (STS) for speech sound processing. However, evidence for abstract processing beyond the level of phonetics in STS has remained elusive. In this study, we follow an underspecification approach according to which the phonological representation of vowels is based on the presence vs. absence of abstract features. We hypothesized that phonological mismatch in a same/different task is governed by underspecification: A less specified vowel in second position of same/different minimal pairs (e.g. [e]) compared to its more specified counterpart in first position (e.g. [o]) should result in stronger activation in STS than in the reverse presentation. Whole-brain analyses confirmed this hypothesis in a bilateral cluster in STS. However, this effect interacted with the feature-distance between first and second vowel and was most pronounced for a minimal, one-feature distance, evidencing the benefit of phonological information for processing acoustically minimal sound differences.

Linguistic category structure influences early auditory processing: Converging evidence from mismatch responses and cortical oscillations

While previous research has established that language-specific knowledge influences early auditory processing, it is still controversial as to what aspects of speech sound representations determine early speech perception. Here, we propose that early processing primarily depends on information propagated top-down from abstractly represented speech sound categories. In particular, we assume that mid-vowels (as in 'bet') exert less top-down effects than the high-vowels (as in 'bit') because of their less specific (default) tongue height position as compared to either high- or low-vowels (as in 'bat'). We tested this assumption in a magnetoencephalography (MEG) study where we contrasted mid- and high-vowels, as well as the low- and high-vowels in a passive oddball paradigm. Overall, significant differences between deviants and standards indexed reliable mismatch negativity (MMN) responses between 200 and 300ms post-stimulus onset. MMN amplitudes differed in the mid/high-vowel contrasts and were significantly reduced when a mid-vowel standard was followed by a high-vowel deviant, extending previous findings. Furthermore, mid-vowel standards showed reduced oscillatory power in the pre-stimulus beta-frequency band (18-26Hz), compared to high-vowel standards. We take this as converging evidence for linguistic category structure to exert top-down influences on auditory processing. The findings are interpreted within the linguistic model of underspecification and the neuropsychological predictive coding framework.

Understanding underspecification: A comparison of two computational implementations

Swets et al. (2008. Underspecification of syntactic ambiguities: Evidence from self-paced reading. Memory and Cognition, 36(1), 201-216) presented evidence that the so-called ambiguity advantage [Traxler et al. (1998). Adjunct attachment is not a form of lexical ambiguity resolution. Journal of Memory and Language, 39(4), 558-592], which has been explained in terms of the Unrestricted Race Model, can equally well be explained by assuming underspecification in ambiguous conditions driven by task-demands. Specifically, if comprehension questions require that ambiguities be resolved, the parser tends to make an attachment: when questions are about superficial aspects of the target sentence, readers tend to pursue an underspecification strategy. It is reasonable to assume that individual differences in strategy will play a significant role in the application of such strategies, so that studying average behaviour may not be informative. In order to study the predictions of the good-enough processing theory, we implemented two versions of underspecification: the partial specification model (PSM), which is an implementation of the Swets et al. proposal, and a more parsimonious version, the non-specification model (NSM). We evaluate the relative fit of these two kinds of underspecification to Swets et al.'s data; as a baseline, we also fitted three models that assume no underspecification. We find that a model without underspecification provides a somewhat better fit than both underspecification models, while the NSM model provides a better fit than the PSM. We interpret the results as lack of unambiguous evidence in favour of underspecification; however, given that there is considerable existing evidence for good-enough processing in the literature, it is reasonable to assume that some underspecification might occur. Under this assumption, the results can be interpreted as tentative evidence for NSM over PSM. More generally, our work provides a method for choosing between models of real-time processes in sentence comprehension that make qualitative predictions about the relationship between several dependent variables. We believe that sentence processing research will greatly benefit from a wider use of such methods.

An empirically adjusted approach to reproductive number estimation for stochastic compartmental models: A case study of two Ebola outbreaks

The various thresholding quantities grouped under the "Basic Reproductive Number" umbrella are often confused, but represent distinct approaches to estimating epidemic spread potential, and address different modeling needs. Here, we contrast several common reproduction measures applied to stochastic compartmental models, and introduce a new quantity dubbed the "empirically adjusted reproductive number" with several advantages. These include: more complete use of the underlying compartmental dynamics than common alternatives, use as a potential diagnostic tool to detect the presence and causes of intensity process underfitting, and the ability to provide timely feedback on disease spread. Conceptual connections between traditional reproduction measures and our approach are explored, and the behavior of our method is examined under simulation. Two illustrative examples are developed: First, the single location applications of our method are established using data from the 1995 Ebola outbreak in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and a traditional stochastic SEIR model. Second, a spatial formulation of this technique is explored in the context of the ongoing Ebola outbreak in West Africa with particular emphasis on potential use in model selection, diagnosis, and the resulting applications to estimation and prediction. Both analyses are placed in the context of a newly developed spatial analogue of the traditional SEIR modeling approach.

The mental representation of plural events

A growing body of work suggests that in the absence of strong cues to individuation, comprehenders leave their mental representations of plural entities underspecified-that is, they mentally represent plural noun phrases (NPs) as groups or nondifferentiated sets. The current paper investigates whether this also holds for plural events. Experiments 1a-1b used an aspectual coercion manipulation to provide evidence that event plurality can be indexed by the number-of-words judgement task that Patson and Warren [2010. Evidence for distributivity effects in comprehension. Journal of Experimental Psychology: Learning, Memory and Cognition, 36, 782-789] used to investigate the mental representation of plural nouns. Experiment 2 confirmed this by showing that comprehenders mentally represent predicates associated with distributive quantifiers as plural, and they do so immediately at the verb rather than waiting until the completion of the predicate. Experiment 3 probed inherently distributed verbs and showed that inherent distributivity is not enough to push comprehenders to mentally represent multiple events. Only when the subject of an inherently distributed verb is a conjoined NP, rather than a plural definite description, do comprehenders mentally represent multiple events. Experiment 4 replicated and extended Experiment 3. This body of findings suggests that in the absence of strong cues to individuation, plural events are left underspecified. However, when disambiguating information is provided, comprehenders do mentally represent number information explicitly and incrementally.