Emotional reactivity changes to daily stressors surrounding the 2016 U.S. presidential election

Politics negatively impacts women's mental health in Georgia: Depression, anxiety, and perceived stress from 2023 to 2024

BACKGROUND

Political stress has been negatively associated with the psychological well-being of Americans in recent years, however effects may be heightened among women in the Southeastern United States (US) in response to restrictions on reproductive rights. Here, we explored the impact of political stress on generalized anxiety symptoms depressive symptoms, and global perceived stress in women living in the Southeastern US from 2023 to 2024.

METHODS

Participants were enrolled in the cross-sectional Policies and Social Stress (PASS) Study (N = 148). Political stress, global perceived stress, generalized anxiety symptoms, and depressive symptoms were assessed using validated, self-reported questionnaires. Adjusted linear regression models were used to examine associations between political stress and global perceived stress, generalized anxiety, and depression. We examined effect modification and interaction by political orientation, race, education, abortion view, and perception of the 2024 election.

RESULTS

Increasing political stress was significantly associated with elevated levels of generalized anxiety symptoms (β = 0.07, 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.03, 0.11), depressive symptoms (β = 0.09, 95% CI = 0.00, 0.17), and global perceived stress (β = 0.09, 95% CI = 0.05, 0.13). These associations were greatest in magnitude among those who held at least a college degree, believed abortion should be legal in most or all cases, self-identified as politically liberal or white, and reported that the 2024 election was a significant source of stress.

CONCLUSIONS

The current political climate may be negatively impacting women's mental health, especially for certain subgroups. It may be important for researchers to continue investigating the impact of the sociopolitical climate on mental health given well-documented national trends indicative of increased political polarization.

Self-Compassion, Stressor Exposure, and Negative Affect: A Daily Diary Study of Older Adults

OBJECTIVES

Self-compassion has been identified as a psychological resource for aging well. To date, self-compassion among older adults has typically been conceptualized as a trait variable. This study examined whether day-to-day (state) variability in self-compassion was associated with negative affective reactivity to daily stressors.

METHODS

Daily diary assessment methods were used to examine the potential moderating role of between- and within-person self-compassion on the relationship between daily stressors and negative affect. A community-based sample of 107 older adults aged 65+ completed questionnaires once daily over 14 days.

RESULTS

Multilevel modeling revealed that 37% of the variance in self-compassion occurred within persons. Daily self-compassion moderated the relationship between daily stressor exposure and daily negative affect. On days with greater stressor exposure than usual, older adults showed less negative affective reactivity on days when self-compassion was higher, compared with days when self-compassion was lower. No moderating effects were observed for between-person (trait) self-compassion.

DISCUSSION

These findings suggest that self-compassion in older adults should be conceptualized as both state and trait variables and that state self-compassion may be protective in the stress-reactivity pathway. Future research should investigate whether brief self-compassion interventions might help older adults to avoid or downregulate negative emotions in response to stressors.

Daily life affective dynamics as transdiagnostic predictors of mental health symptoms: An ecological momentary assessment study

BACKGROUND

Affective dynamics have been identified as a correlate of a broad span of mental health issues, making them key candidate transdiagnostic factors. However, there remains a lack of knowledge about which aspects of affective dynamics - especially as they manifest in the course of daily life - relate to a general risk for mental health issues versus specific symptoms.

METHODS

We leverage an ecological momentary assessment (EMA) study design with four measures per day over a two-week period to explore how negative affect levels, inertia, lability, and reactivity to provocation and stress in the course of daily life relate to mental health symptoms in young adults (n = 256) in the domains of anxiety, depression, psychosis-like symptoms, behaviour problems, suicidality, and substance use.

RESULTS

Dynamic structural equation modelling (DSEM) suggested that negative affect levels in daily life were associated with depression, anxiety, indirect and proactive aggression, psychosis, anxiety, and self-injury; negative affective lability was associated with depression, physical aggression, reactive aggression, suicidal ideation, and ADHD symptoms; negative affective inertia was associated with depression, anxiety, physical aggression, and cannabis use; and emotional reactivity to provocation was related to physical aggression.

LIMITATIONS

The cross-sectional design, the limited span of mental health issues included, and the convenience nature and small size of the sample are limitations.

CONCLUSIONS

Findings suggest that a subset of mental health symptoms have shared negative affective dynamics patterns. Longitudinal research is needed to rigorously examine the directionality of the effects underlying the association between affective dynamics and mental health issues.

Coping strategies predict daily emotional reactivity to stress: An ecological momentary assessment study

BACKGROUND

Emotional reactivity predicts poor health and psychopathology. Despite its theoretical importance, little research has tested whether coping predicts emotional reactivity to stressors. We analyse three studies to test this hypothesis for negative (NA) and positive affect (PA) reactivity to daily stressors.

METHODS

422 Participants (72.5 % females, M_age = 22.79 ± 5.36) came from three longitudinal, ecological momentary assessment (EMA) studies across 7-15 days (ACES N = 190; DESTRESS N = 134; SHS N = 98). Coping was measured at baseline. NA, PA, and daily stressors were assessed via EMA. Mixed effects linear models tested whether coping predicted NA and PA reactivity, defined as their slope on within- and between-person daily stressors.

RESULTS

Behavioural disengagement and mental disengagement coping predicted greater within-person NA reactivity across all studies (all p < .01, all f² = 0.01). Denial coping predicted greater within-person NA reactivity in ACES and DESTRESS (both p < .01, f² from 0.02 to 0.03) and between-person in ACES and SHS (both p < .01, f² from 0.02 to 0.03). For approach-oriented coping, only active planning coping predicted lower within-person NA reactivity and only in DESTRESS (p < .01, f² = 0.02). Coping did not predict PA reactivity (all p > .05).

LIMITATIONS

Our findings cannot be generalised to children or older adults. Emotional reactivity to daily stressors may differ from severe or traumatic stressors. Although data were longitudinal, the observational design precludes establishing causality.

CONCLUSIONS

Avoidance-oriented coping strategies predicted greater NA reactivity to daily stressors with small effect sizes. Few and inconsistent results emerged for approach-oriented coping and PA reactivity. Clinically, our results suggest that reducing reliance on avoidance-oriented coping may reduce NA reactivity to daily stressors.

Age, education, and political involvement differences in daily election-related stress

Stress in daily life is rather common, but elections can present unique challenges. Evaluating the impact of individual characteristics, behaviors, and political beliefs on stress processes is imperative to understanding how elections influence psychological well-being. Exploring how these individual and behavioral characteristics interacted to predict exposure to election-related stressors, we hypothesized that age, education, and past socio-political involvement would be associated with exposure to election-related stressors. In the 2018 U.S. Midterm Election Stress Coping and Prevention Every Day (ESCAPED) study, 140 participants in the United States and territories aged 19-86 were recruited through Amazon's Mechanical Turk for a 30-day daily diary study. Collectively, participants completed a total of 1196 reports between October 15, 2018 and November 13, 2018. The midterm election was November 6, 2018. Each day, participants reported on past political participation, election stress anticipation, and exposure to election-related stressors. Confirming our hypothesis, on days when people were more politically active and on days when stress anticipation increased, exposure to election-related stressors increased. Age differences in exposure depended on political activity in the last 24 h, with older adults exhibiting a steeper increase in exposure following political activity, especially if they were highly educated. However, higher education was protective against election-related stressors among younger adults even with increases in political activity. Individuals' experiences, characteristics, and daily decisions influence the likelihood of exposure to election-related stressors. Additionally, for younger adults, education may function as a protective factor when they engage in political activities.

Anticipatory stress during an election: A daily diary study

Previous research on election stress has focused on reacting to stressors that already occurred, whereas the forecasting of future stressors and associated responses have been underexamined. Leveraging the 2018 U.S. mid-term election, we examined anticipatory stress response, operationalised as the within-person association between daily stressors forecasting and negative affect (NA). We also explore whether such responses might be related to time, partisanship and political orientation. Participants were 125 adults in the U.S. who provided 1056 daily reports in a 29-day daily diary study surrounding the election. Results indicated that daily forecasts of election stressors contributed to increased NA independent of election stressor exposure. Election stressor forecasting was more pronounced during pre-election days and the election day than post-election days, as well as greater in conservatives than liberals. Coping with anticipatory stress may be important for managing election stress.

The role of extraversion and neuroticism for experiencing stress during the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic

Although long postulated, it has been scarcely researched how personality traits play out differently in distinct situations. We examined if Neuroticism and Extraversion, personality traits known to moderate stress processes, function differently in highly stressful situations requiring reduced social contact, that is, the COVID-19 pandemic. Based on past findings, we expected neuroticism to be associated with exacerbated perceptions of stress. In contrast to past findings, we expected extraversion, which usually ameliorates stress, to be associated with intensified perceptions of stress, especially in regard to the sociability facet. During the third wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in Germany, one-hundred-thirty adults (age M = 21.7 years) reported on their personality traits including their facets with the BFI-2, COVID-19-related stressors, and their perceived stress during the last month (using the PSS). Findings indicated that neuroticism was associated with higher perceived stress regardless of the COVID-19-related stressors experienced. Facet level analysis revealed differences for anxiety, depression, and volatility. Importantly, trait extraversion was unassociated with stress experiences, whereas specifically the facet of sociability was associated with higher perceived stress. Also, the facets of assertiveness and energy both moderated the relationship between COVID-19-related stressors and perceived stress. In line with the transactional theory of stress, our findings indicate that perceptions of stress were best understood by looking at the interaction of environmental stressors and personality differences. Furthermore, the study substantiates that facets of personality traits offer unique information beyond broad traits in specific contexts.

Core Beliefs Disruption in the Context of an Election: Implications for Subjective Well-Being

Major life events often challenge the core beliefs people hold about the world, which is a crucial cognitive process predictive of adjustment outcomes. Elections have been associated with physical and socioemotional responses, but what is unclear is whether core beliefs can be disrupted and what implication this disruption might have for well-being. In two studies, we examined the association between core beliefs disruption and well-being in the context of the 2018 U.S. midterm election. In both studies, participants reported a small degree of disruption of core beliefs due to the election. In Study 1, a 14-day daily diary study spanning the weeks before and after the election, multilevel modeling on 529 daily reports revealed that greater disruption of core beliefs was associated with lower mean levels of life satisfaction and greater changes in positive and negative affect. In Study 2, a cross-sectional study conducted 40 days following the election, linear regression analyses on 767 adults aged 18-77 from all 50 states revealed that the disruption of core beliefs due to the midterm election was positively associated with current life satisfaction. The effect held when controlling for multiple confounding factors. These findings suggest that elections can trigger disruption of core beliefs, and this disruption may spill over to subjective well-being in the short term but may positively contribute to post-election adjustment.

Toward a Developmental Science of Politics

In this monograph, we argue for the establishment of a developmental science of politics that describes, explains, and predicts the formation and change of individuals' political knowledge, attitudes, and behavior beginning in childhood and continuing across the life course. Reflecting our goal of contributing both theoretical conceptualizations and empirical data, we have organized the monograph into two broad sections. In the first section, we outline theoretical contributions that the study of politics may make to developmental science and provide practical reasons that empirical research in the domain of politics is important (e.g., for identifying ways to improve civics education and for encouraging higher voting rates among young adults). We also review major historical approaches to the study of political development and provide an integrative theoretical framework to ground future work. Drawing on Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems model as an organizing scheme and emphasizing social justice issues, we describe how factors rooted in cultural contexts, families, and children themselves are likely to shape political development. In the second section of the monograph, we argue for the importance and utility of studying major political events, such as presidential elections, and introduce the major themes, rationales, and hypotheses for a study of U.S. children's views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election. In addition, we apply a social-justice lens to political thought and participation, addressing the role of gender/sex and race/ethnicity in children's political development broadly, and in their knowledge and views of the 2016 U.S. presidential election specifically. In interviews conducted within the month before and after the election, we examined two overarching categories of children's political attitudes: (a) knowledge, preferences, and expectations about the 2016 election, and (b) knowledge and attitudes concerning gender/sex and politics, particularly relevant for the 2016 election given Hillary Clinton's role as the first female major-party candidate for the presidency. Participants were 187 children (101 girls) between 5 and 11 years of age (M = 8.42 years, SD = 1.45 years). They were recruited from schools and youth organizations in five counties in four U.S. states (Kansas, Kentucky, Texas, and Washington) with varying voting patterns (e.g., Trump voters ranged from 27% to 71% of county voters). The sample was not a nationally representative one, but was racially diverse (35 African American, 50 Latinx, 81 White, and 21 multiracial, Asian American, Middle Eastern, or Native American children). In addition to several child characteristics (e.g., age, social dominance orientation [SDO]), we assessed several family and community characteristics (e.g., child-reported parental interest in the election and government-reported county-level voting patterns, respectively) hypothesized to predict outcome variables. Although our findings are shaped by the nature of our sample (e.g., our participants were less likely to support Trump than children in larger, nationwide samples were), they offer preliminary insights into children's political development. Overall, children in our sample were interested in and knowledgeable about the presidential election (e.g., a large majority identified the candidates correctly and reported some knowledge about their personal qualities or policy positions). They reported more information about Donald Trump's than Hillary Clinton's policies, largely accounted for by the substantial percentage of children (41%) who referred to Trump's immigration policies (e.g., building a wall between the United States and Mexico). Overall, children reported as many negative as positive personal qualities of the candidates, with negative qualities being reported more often for Trump than for Clinton (56% and 18% of children, respectively). Most children (88%) supported Clinton over Trump, a preference that did not vary by participants' gender/sex or race/ethnicity. In their responses to an open-ended inquiry about their reactions to Trump's win, 63% of children reported negative and 18% reported positive emotions. Latinx children reacted more negatively to the election outcome than did White children. Girls' and boys' emotional responses to the election outcome did not differ. Children's personal interest in serving as U.S. president did not vary across gender/sex or racial/ethnic groups (overall, 42% were interested). Clinton's loss of the election did not appear to depress (or pique) girls' interest in becoming U.S. president. With respect to the role of gender/sex in politics, many children (35%) were ignorant about women's absence from the U.S. presidency. Only a single child was able to name a historical individual who worked for women's civil rights or suffrage. Child characteristics predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, older children showed greater knowledge about the candidates than did younger children. Family and community characteristics also predicted some outcome variables. For example, as expected, participants were more likely to support Trump if they perceived that their parents supported him and if Trump received a greater percentage of votes in the children's county of residence. Our data suggest that civic education should be expanded and reformed. In addition to addressing societal problems requiring political solutions, civics lessons should include the histories of social groups' political participation, including information about gender discrimination and the women's suffrage movement in U.S. political history. Providing children with environments that are rich in information related to the purpose and value of politics, and with opportunities and encouragement for political thought and action, is potentially beneficial for youth and their nations.

BFF: Bayesian, Fiducial, Frequentist Analysis of Age Effects in Daily Diary Data

OBJECTIVES

We apply new statistical models to daily diary data to advance both methodological and conceptual goals. We examine age effects in within-person slopes in daily diary data and introduce Generalized Fiducial Inference (GFI), which provides a compromise between frequentist and Bayesian inference. We use daily stressor exposure data across six domains to generate within-person emotional reactivity slopes with daily negative affect. We test for systematic age differences and similarities in these reactivity slopes, which are inconsistent in previous research.

METHOD

One hundred and eleven older (aged 60-90) and 108 younger (aged 18-36) adults responded to daily stressor and negative affect questions each day for eight consecutive days, resulting in 1,438 total days. Daily stressor domains included arguments, avoided arguments, work/volunteer stressors, home stressors, network stressors, and health-related stressors.

RESULTS

Using Bayesian, GFI, and frequentist paradigms, we compared results for the six stressor domains with a focus on interpreting age effects in within-person reactivity. Multilevel models suggested null age effects in emotional reactivity across each of the paradigms within the domains of avoided arguments, work/volunteer stressors, home stressors, and health-related stressors. However, the models diverged with respect to null age effects in emotional reactivity to arguments and network stressors.

DISCUSSION

The three paradigms converged on null age effects in reactivity for four of the six stressor domains. GFI is a useful tool that provides additional information when making determinations regarding null age effects in within-person slopes. We provide the code for readers to apply these models to their own data.