Reproductive health and blurred professional boundaries

Support for criminalization of self-managed abortion (SMA): A national representative survey

OBJECTIVE

Since the U.S. Supreme Court eliminated the federal right to abortion, there is a heightened need to understand public opinion about the criminalization of people who attempt to end their pregnancies outside the formal healthcare setting, referred to as self-managed abortion (SMA). We assessed U.S. attitudes about whether three forms of SMA should be legal, reported or punished: 1) using abortion pills obtained outside the healthcare system, 2) using other medications, drugs, herbs, or by drinking alcohol, and 3) using traumatic methods (inserting an object in their body or hitting their stomach).

METHODS

From December 2021 to January 2022, we administered a national probability-based online survey to English- and Spanish-speaking people assigned female (AFAB, ages 15-49) or male at birth (AMAB, ages 18-49) regarding their attitudes about criminalizing SMA, using Ipsos' KnowledgePanel. We estimated weighted proportions and conducted multivariable regression analyses to identify characteristics associated with support for SMA legality and punishment (reporting to authorities, paying a fine or going to jail).

RESULTS

A total of 7,016 AFAB and 360 AMAB completed the survey. People were less likely (p < .05) to agree that SMA using abortion pills should be illegal (34% of AFAB and 43% of AMAB) than other forms of SMA (36-48%), although over one-fifth were unsure (AFAB, 20-23% and AMAB, 24-27%). People were less likely to agree SMA using abortion pills should be criminalized than SMA using other drugs, medications, herbs, alcohol or by using traumatic methods. In multivariable analyses, AMAB and Christian religion were associated with agreeing that SMA using abortion pills should be illegal; people who identified as Hispanic/Latinx ethnicity and experienced medical mistreatment were less likely to agree SMA with medication abortion pills should be illegal.

CONCLUSIONS

Public support for criminalizing SMA is complex and varied by SMA method and form of punishment.

Dismantling the legacy of failed policy approaches to pregnant people's use of alcohol and drugs

Most U.S. states have one or more pregnancy-specific alcohol or drug policies. However, research evidence indicates that some of these policies lead to increases in adverse birth outcomes, including low-birthweight and preterm birth. We offer explanations for why these ineffective policies related to pregnant people's use of alcohol and drugs in the U.S. exist, including: abortion politics; racism and the 'War on Drugs'; the design and application of scientific evidence; and lack of a pro-active vision. We propose alternative processes and concepts to guide strategies for developing new policy approaches that will support the health and well-being of pregnant people who use alcohol and drugs and their children. Processes include: involving people most affected by pregnancy-specific alcohol and drug policies in developing alternative policy and practice approaches as well as future research initiatives. Additionally, we propose that research funding support the development of policies and practices that bolster health and well-being rather than primarily documenting the harms of different substances. Concepts include accepting that policies adopted in response to pregnant people's use of alcohol and drugs cause harms and working to do better, as well as connecting to efforts that re-envision the child welfare system in the U.S.

"Obviously there is a conflict between confidentiality and what you are required to do by law": Chilean university faculty and student perspectives on reporting unlawful abortions

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

While Chile recently decriminalized abortion in cases of rape, lethal fetal anomaly, and to save a woman's life, most abortions are still criminalized. We assessed medical and midwifery school faculty and students' views on punishing and reporting people involved in unlawful abortion, and their understanding of their obligation to protect patient confidentiality and to report unlawful abortions.

METHODS

We interviewed 30 medical and midwifery school clinician faculty from seven public, private, secular and Catholic-affiliated universities, all located in the metropolitan region of Santiago, Chile. Medical (n = 239) and midwifery (n = 79) students at these same seven universities completed an online survey. We coded faculty interview transcripts, and analyzed codes related to maintaining patient confidentiality and reporting unlawful abortion. We summarized student views related to reporting and imprisoning people involved in unlawful abortion, and used general estimating equation (GEE) models to identify the factors associated with support for criminalization.

RESULTS

Faculty and students generally did not support reporting or imprisoning anyone involved in an unlawful abortion and believed that protecting patient information takes precedence over reporting. Yet, faculty described pressures to report in the public sector and several cases where they or their colleagues were involved in reports. Most students somewhat/strongly agreed (78%) that patient information concerning an unlawful abortion should be kept confidential; 35% strongly/somewhat agreed that a clinician involved in an unlawful surgical abortion should be imprisoned, and 18% agreed that the woman involved should be imprisoned, with students from secular universities being significantly less likely to support reporting and punishing people involved in unlawful abortion, than students from Catholic universities.

DISCUSSION

There is a need to clarify clinicians' ethical obligations in abortion care, in particular in Catholic universities, so that they can ensure that their patients have access to high quality confidential health care services.

A Call to Revisit the Prenatal Period as a Focus for Action Within the Reproductive and Perinatal Care Continuum

Objectives The broad maternal and child health community has witnessed increased attention to the entire continuum of reproductive and perinatal health concerns over the past few years. However, both recent discouraging trends in prenatal care access and utilization and a renewed understanding of prenatal care as a critical anchor of the reproductive/perinatal health continuum for women who do get pregnant demand a new effort to focus on the prenatal period as a gateway for maternal and infant health. Methods This commentary: describes the Medicaid expansions and the momentum for universal access to prenatal care of the 1980-1990s; examines the pivot away from this goal and its aftermath; provides a rationale for why renewed attention to prenatal care and the prenatal period is essential; and, explores the potential focus of an updated prenatal care agenda. Conclusion We conclude that increasing women's access to high quality prenatal care will require substantial effort at the clinical, community, policy, and system levels. Only when attention is paid to all phases of the reproductive/perinatal health continuum with an emphasis on continuity between all periods, and on the social determinants that affect health and well-being, will our nation be able to ensure the health of all women across the life course (whether or not they ever become mothers), while simultaneously fulfilling our nation's promise that all children-no matter their income or race/ethnicity-will have the opportunity to be born well.

The effect of race on provider decisions to test for illicit drug use in the peripartum setting

BACKGROUND

Testing for illicit drugs may expose women who test positive to severe legal and social consequences. It is unknown whether racial disparities in drug testing practices underlie observed disparities in legal and social consequences of positive tests.

METHODS

Using administrative hospital and birth certificate data, we analyzed factors associated with both receipt and results of illicit drug testing among women with live births during 2002-2003. We assessed the independent association of race and other sociodemographic factors with both receipt of a drug test by the mother or her newborn infant and positive maternal or neonatal toxicology results, after controlling for obstetrical conditions and birth outcomes associated with maternal substance abuse.

RESULTS

Of the 8487 women with live births, 244 mother-newborn pairs (3%) were tested for illicit drug use. Black women and their newborns were 1.5 times more likely to be tested for illicit drugs as nonblack women in multivariable analysis. However, race was not independently associated with a positive result.

CONCLUSIONS

We identified racial differences in rates of testing for illicit drug use between black and nonblack women. We found equivalent positivity rates among tested black and nonblack women. The prevalence of drug use among untested women is unknown, however, so although tested women had equivalent rates of substance use detected, whether black and nonblack substance users are equally likely to be identified in the course of peripartum care remains uncertain.