A universal cue for grammatical categories in the input to children: Frequent frames

How does linguistic context influence word learning?

While there are well-known demonstrations that children can use distributional information to acquire multiple components of language, the underpinnings of these achievements are unclear. In the current paper, we investigate the potential pre-requisites for a distributional learning model that can explain how children learn their first words. We review existing literature and then present the results of a series of computational simulations with Vector Space Models, a type of distributional semantic model used in Computational Linguistics, which we evaluate against vocabulary acquisition data from children. We focus on nouns and verbs, and we find that: (i) a model with flexibility to adjust for the frequency of events provides a better fit to the human data, (ii) the influence of context words is very local, especially for nouns, and (iii) words that share more contexts with other words are harder to learn.

Estimations of child linguistic productivity controlling for vocabulary and sample size

Children’s use of present tense suffixes is less productive than that of their parents, after correcting for sample size and lexical knowledge, according to a recently established approach for the study of inflectional productivity. This article expands on this technique by providing precise estimates of early grammatical productivity through systematic random sampling and allowing for developmental assessment. Two cross-linguistic comparisons are given in the results of this study. Two Spanish-speaking children and their parents are compared with four English-speaking children and their parents. The second comparison examines potential differences in productivity throughout developmental stages using the same six children’s speech. The findings indicate that Spanish-acquiring children are less productive than their parents while utilising the paradigm under study, but that productivity levels increase over time. In contrast, the English-speaking children’s morphosyntactic production mirrors that of their parents. Although the primary focus of this research is methodological, these findings have consequences for theoretical theories arguing either rule abstraction or a restricted generalisation of early exemplars.

Distributional Lattices as a Model for Discovering Syntactic Categories in Child-Directed Speech

Distribution information plays an important role in word categorization. In this paper, we present a novel distributional model, distributional lattices to discover syntactic categories in child directed speech. A distributional lattice is a hierarchy formed by closed sets of words that are distributionally similar. Such a hierarchy is potentially useful for capturing syntactic categories by clustering words with associate patterns they occur in. In order to empirically support the suggestion that the distributional lattice is effective at categorizing words, we present a distributional lattice analysis of the Brent corpus of child-directed speech. The results show that distributional lattices are able to yield extremely accurate syntactic categories.

Corpus-based typology: applications, challenges and some solutions

Over the last few years, the number of corpora that can be used for language comparison has dramatically increased. The corpora are so diverse in their structure, size and annotation style, that a novice might not know where to start. The present paper charts this new and changing territory, providing a few landmarks, warning signs and safe paths. Although no corpus at present can replace the traditional type of typological data based on language description in reference grammars, corpora can help with diverse tasks, being particularly well suited for investigating probabilistic and gradient properties of languages and for discovering and interpreting cross-linguistic generalizations based on processing and communicative mechanisms. At the same time, the use of corpora for typological purposes has not only advantages and opportunities, but also numerous challenges. This paper also contains an empirical case study addressing two pertinent problems: the role of text types in language comparison and the problem of the word as a comparative concept.

The function and evolution of child-directed communication

Humans communicate with small children in unusual and highly conspicuous ways (child-directed communication (CDC)), which enhance social bonding and facilitate language acquisition. CDC-like inputs are also reported for some vocally learning animals, suggesting similar functions in facilitating communicative competence. However, adult great apes, our closest living relatives, rarely signal to their infants, implicating communication surrounding the infant as the main input for infant great apes and early humans. Given cross-cultural variation in the amount and structure of CDC, we suggest that child-surrounding communication (CSC) provides essential compensatory input when CDC is less prevalent-a paramount topic for future studies.

Semantic maturation during the comprehension-expression gap in late and typical talkers

This study investigates the influence of semantic maturation on early lexical development by examining the impact of contextual diversity-known to influence semantic development-on word promotion from receptive to productive vocabularies (i.e., comprehension-expression gap). Study 1 compares the vocabularies of 3685 American-English-speaking typical talkers (TTs) and late talkers (LTs; 16-30 months old; 1257 females, 1021 gender unknown; ethnicity unknown; data downloaded in 2018) and finds that LTs, with a longer preverbal phase, produced nouns with lower contextual diversity (R²  = .80), but verbs with higher contextual diversity (R²  = .13). Study 2 compares computational network growth models of semantic maturation and finds that verbs require more semantic maturation than nouns, and TTs produce words that are more semantically mature than LTs.

Detecting structured repetition in child-surrounding speech: Evidence from maximally diverse languages

Caretakers tend to repeat themselves when speaking to children, either to clarify their message or to redirect wandering attention. This repetition also appears to support language learning. For example, words that are heard more frequently tend to be produced earlier by young children. However, pure repetition only goes so far; some variation between utterances is necessary to support acquisition of a fully productive grammar. When individual words or morphemes are repeated, but embedded in different lexical and syntactic contexts, the child has more information about how these forms may be used and combined. Corpus analysis has shown that these partial repetitions frequently occur in clusters, which have been coined variation sets. More recent research has introduced algorithms that can extract these variation sets automatically from corpora with the goal of measuring their relative prevalence across ages and languages. Longitudinal analyses have revealed that rates of variation sets tend to decrease as children get older. We extend this research in several ways. First, we consider a maximally diverse sample of languages, both genealogically and geographically, to test the generalizability of developmental trends. Second, we compare multiple levels of repetition, both words and morphemes, to account for typological differences in how information is encoded. Third, we consider several additional measures of development to account for deficiencies in age as a measure of linguistic aptitude. Fourth, we examine whether the levels of repetition found in child-surrounding speech is greater or less than what would have been expected by chance. This analysis produced a new measure, redundancy, which captures how repetitive speech is on average given how repeititive it could have been. Fifth, we compare rates of repetition in child-surrounding and adult-directed speech to test whether variation sets are especially prevalent in child-surrounding speech. We find that (1) some languages show increases in repetition over development, (2) true estimates of variation sets are generally lower than or equal to random baselines, (3) these patterns are largely convergent across developmental indices, and (4) adult-directed speech is reliably less redundant, though in some cases more repetitive, than child-surrounding speech. These results are discussed with respect to features of the corpora, typological properties of the languages, and differential rates of change in repetition and redundancy over children's development.

The Starting Big approach to language learning

The study of language acquisition has a long and contentious history: researchers disagree on what drives this process, the relevant data, and the interesting questions. Here, I outline the Starting Big approach to language learning, which emphasizes the role of multiword units in language, and of coarse-to-fine processes in learning. I outline core predictions and supporting evidence. In short, the approach argues that multiword units are integral building blocks in language; that such units can facilitate mastery of semantically opaque relations between words; and that adults rely on them less than children, which can explain (some of) their difficulty in learning a second language. The Starting Big approach is a theory of how children learn language, how language is represented, and how to explain differences between first and second language learning. I discuss the learning and processing models at the heart of the approach and their cross-linguistic implications.

Constructivist Approaches to First Language Acquisition

Constructivist approaches to language acquisition predict that form-function mappings are derived from distributional patterns in the input, and their contextual embedding. This requires a detailed analysis of the input, and the integration of information from different contingencies. Regarding the acquisition of morphology, it is shown which types of information leads to the induction of (lexical) categories, and to paradigm building. Regarding the acquisition of word order, it is shown how languages with fixed or variable word order profit from stable syntactic hyperschemas, but require a more detailed analyses of the form-function contingencies to identify the underlying, more specific semantic, syntactic and morphological patterns. At a theoretical level, it is shown how findings from acquisition and processing converge into new linguistic theories that aim to account for regular as well as irregular phenomena in language.

Child-directed speech is optimized for syntax-free semantic inference

The way infants learn language is a highly complex adaptive behavior. This behavior chiefly relies on the ability to extract information from the speech they hear and combine it with information from the external environment. Most theories assume that this ability critically hinges on the recognition of at least some syntactic structure. Here, we show that child-directed speech allows for semantic inference without relying on explicit structural information. We simulate the process of semantic inference with machine learning applied to large text collections of two different types of speech, child-directed speech versus adult-directed speech. Taking the core meaning of causality as a test case, we find that in child-directed speech causal meaning can be successfully inferred from simple co-occurrences of neighboring words. By contrast, semantic inference in adult-directed speech fundamentally requires additional access to syntactic structure. These results suggest that child-directed speech is ideally shaped for a learner who has not yet mastered syntactic structure.

The effect of hearing loss on the use of lexical categories by Hebrew-speaking mothers of deaf children with cochlear implants

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

The frequency of use of nouns versus verbs in child-directed speech (CDS) of mothers to their normal hearing (NH) children has been investigated in various languages. Recent studies have shown that CDS to deaf children is affected by hearing loss. Thus, the main aim of the present study was to examine the effect of hearing loss on the use of content words by NH Hebrew-speaking mothers to their deaf children using CIs. The second aim was to compare the use of content words by mothers speaking to CI children to that of NH children of the same chronological age and NH children with the same hearing experience.

METHOD

Three groups of mother-child dyads participated: Ten mothers of deaf children with bilateral CIs (CIs) (age range 20-48 months), ten mothers of NH children matched to the deaf children by their chronological age (NCA), and ten mothers of NH children matched to the deaf children by their hearing experience (NHE). Data were collected from mother-child dyads performing natural activities. Two hundred utterances were transcribed and analyzed both quantitatively (tokens) and qualitatively (types) according to the use of lexical categories (noun, verb, adjective, and adverb).

RESULTS

The frequency of verbs and nouns, both types and tokens, was significantly higher than the frequency of adverbs and adjectives in the CDS of mothers to their children both with CIs and NH. No significant differences were found between the use of verb and noun tokens by mothers of children with NH in both groups. However, in the speech of mothers to the CI group, the use of verb tokens was significantly higher than the use of noun tokens, and the verb to noun ratio of tokens was significantly higher than that of the NHE group, and demonstrated a trend with the NCA group.

CONCLUSION

The fact that mothers of CI children use more verb than noun tokens strengthens the claim that they adopt a more directive style and controlling behaviors while interacting with their CI children. Also, it seems that mothers speaking to CI children are more sensitive to the children's linguistic needs according to the hearing experience and linguistic stage rather than the chronological age. The clinical implications are discussed.

Experience with morphosyntactic paradigms allows toddlers to tacitly anticipate overregularized verb forms months before they produce them

When do children acquire abstract grammatical categories? Studies of 2- to 3-year-olds' productions of complete morphosyntactic paradigms (e.g., all legal determiners with all nouns) suggest relatively later category acquisition, while studies of infant discrimination of grammatical vs. ungrammatical sequences suggest earlier acquisition. However, few of the latter studies have probed category generalization by examining how learners treat gaps in their input, and none have found evidence that learners before the age of 2 years fill gaps in verb paradigms. Therefore, the three experiments presented here asked whether 16-month-olds tacitly expect to hear forms like breaked by presenting them with overregularized verbs vs. (1) nonce verbs + -ed, (2) real English nouns + -ed, and (3) the correct irregular counterparts. The pattern of listening preferences suggests that toddlers anticipate overregularized forms, suggesting that they have a general proto-category verb, to which they expect the complete set of verb inflections to apply.

Lexical category acquisition is facilitated by uncertainty in distributional co-occurrences

This paper analyzes distributional properties that facilitate the categorization of words into lexical categories. First, word-context co-occurrence counts were collected using corpora of transcribed English child-directed speech. Then, an unsupervised k-nearest neighbor algorithm was used to categorize words into lexical categories. The categorization outcome was regressed over three main distributional predictors computed for each word, including frequency, contextual diversity, and average conditional probability given all the co-occurring contexts. Results show that both contextual diversity and frequency have a positive effect while the average conditional probability has a negative effect. This indicates that words are easier to categorize in the face of uncertainty: categorization works best for words which are frequent, diverse, and hard to predict given the co-occurring contexts. This shows how, in order for the learner to see an opportunity to form a category, there needs to be a certain degree of uncertainty in the co-occurrence pattern.

Nouns slow down speech across structurally and culturally diverse languages

By force of nature, every bit of spoken language is produced at a particular speed. However, this speed is not constant-speakers regularly speed up and slow down. Variation in speech rate is influenced by a complex combination of factors, including the frequency and predictability of words, their information status, and their position within an utterance. Here, we use speech rate as an index of word-planning effort and focus on the time window during which speakers prepare the production of words from the two major lexical classes, nouns and verbs. We show that, when naturalistic speech is sampled from languages all over the world, there is a robust cross-linguistic tendency for slower speech before nouns compared with verbs, both in terms of slower articulation and more pauses. We attribute this slowdown effect to the increased amount of planning that nouns require compared with verbs. Unlike verbs, nouns can typically only be used when they represent new or unexpected information; otherwise, they have to be replaced by pronouns or be omitted. These conditions on noun use appear to outweigh potential advantages stemming from differences in internal complexity between nouns and verbs. Our findings suggest that, beneath the staggering diversity of grammatical structures and cultural settings, there are robust universals of language processing that are intimately tied to how speakers manage referential information when they communicate with one another.