Naming and categorizing faces and written names

Spatially Adjacent Regions in Posterior Cingulate Cortex Represent Familiar Faces at Different Levels of Complexity

Extensive research has shown that perceptual information of faces is processed in a network of hierarchically-organized areas within ventral temporal cortex. For familiar and famous faces, perceptual processing of faces is normally accompanied by extraction of semantic knowledge about the social status of persons. Semantic processing of familiar faces could entail progressive stages of information abstraction. However, the cortical mechanisms supporting multistage processing of familiar faces have not been characterized. Here, using an event-related fMRI experiment, familiar faces from four celebrity groups (actors, singers, politicians, and football players) and unfamiliar faces were presented to the human subjects (both males and females) while they were engaged in a face categorization task. We systematically explored the cortical representations for faces, familiar faces, subcategories of familiar faces, and familiar face identities using whole-brain univariate analysis, searchlight-based multivariate pattern analysis (MVPA), and functional connectivity analysis. Convergent evidence from all these analyses revealed a set of overlapping regions within posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) that contained decodable fMRI responses for representing different levels of semantic knowledge about familiar faces. Our results suggest a multistage pathway in PCC for processing semantic information of faces, analogous to the multistage pathway in ventral temporal cortex for processing perceptual information of faces.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Recognizing familiar faces is an important component of social communications. Previous research has shown that a distributed network of brain areas is involved in processing the semantic information of familiar faces. However, it is not clear how different levels of semantic information are represented in the brain. Here, we evaluated the multivariate response patterns across the entire cortex to discover the areas that contain information for familiar faces, subcategories of familiar faces, and identities of familiar faces. The searchlight maps revealed that different levels of semantic information are represented in topographically adjacent areas within posterior cingulate cortex (PCC). The results suggest that semantic processing of faces is mediated through progressive stages of information abstraction in PCC.

A normative study for photographs of celebrities in Spain

Research on familiar faces has recurrently been conducted in different domains, such as, psycholinguistics, memory, attention, face processing, aging studies, etc. In general, photographs of celebrities, their proper names, or their occupations have been the materials mainly employed in those types of studies. These stimuli are, however, very constrained by the geographic and sociocultural contexts in which the studies are conducted, and, in spite of their relevance for psychological research, there are no normative studies for celebrities in Spain. With the aim of filling this gap, the photographs and names of the 118 most frequently produced celebrities in Spain were collected. For each celebrity, values for 13 different indices (including psycholinguistic properties, naming times, and emotional indicators) were obtained from a young adult Spanish sample. Regression analyses on the data indicated that the main determinant in naming times and ToTs was the percentage of correct responses. Face agreement was also a significant predictor of ToTs. Results were compared with previous celebrity norms in other languages, and discussed in relation to the current models of face processing. These norms are likely to make a useful contribution to the design of more controlled research and applied tools in Psychology.

I Recognize your Face, but I Can't Remember your Name: A Question of Expertise?

In four experiments on the identification of familiar faces we reassessed a robust performance pattern—namely, the temporal advantage for retrieving biographical facts as compared to recalling proper names, which has been interpreted as reflecting a serial ordering of the access to semantic and name information. Evidence for recent parallel accounts had been provided by Scanlan and Johnston (1997) who reported an advantage for name retrieval in children. Here we replicated the findings of Scanlan and Johnston but also showed that the naming advantage disappears, and performance is very similar to that of adults when stimuli and tasks are used that are familiar to children. Conversely, we also demonstrated an advantage for name retrieval in adults when highly unfamiliar semantic facts were associated with the faces. Together these findings suggest that there is no fundamental difference in the cognitive architectures of children and adults. The experiments indicate that the relative speed of naming and semantic fact retrieval depends on the expertise with the semantic facts to be retrieved. Implications for models of face identification and naming are discussed.

Repetition priming of access to biographical information from faces

Two experiments examined repetition priming on tasks that require access to semantic (or biographical) information from faces. In the second stage of each experiment, participants made either a nationality or an occupation decision to faces of celebrities, and, in the first stage, they made either the same or a different decision to faces (in Experiment 1) or the same or a different decision to printed names (in Experiment 2). All combinations of priming and test tasks produced clear repetition effects, which occurred irrespective of whether the decisions made were positive or negative. Same-domain (face-to-face) repetition priming was larger than cross-domain (name-to-face) priming, and priming was larger when the two tasks were the same. It is discussed how these findings are more readily accommodated by the Burton, Bruce, and Johnston (1990) model of face recognition than by episode-based accounts of repetition priming.

Priming Production of People's Names

Surnames of celebrities that are English words (e.g. “Wood”, “Bush”, “Sleep”) were used to explore the relationship between production of common names and proper names that share the same phonology. No effect of priming of face naming latency was found from a prime task in which a written common name was presented and was read aloud, even when subjects were informed the words that they would read aloud were surnames. Production of common names to complete a sentence did not prime famous-face naming. However, the reaction time required to name a famous face by articulating the surname only was primed by seeing the written full name of the celebrity, whether the surname was read aloud or an occupation decision or a familiarity decision was made. No effect of priming was found if the test task did not require name production. The results are interpreted in terms of the information-processing model of face, name, and word recognition proposed by Valentine, Brédart, Lawson, and Ward (1991). It is concluded that the effect of repetition reflects greater accessibility of lexical output codes resulting from an increase in the weight on links from person identity nodes to the output lexicon. Access to the output lexicon is assumed to be mandatory from written input. Common names access the output lexicon from the word recognition system rather than the person recognition system and therefore do not prime face naming latency.

The Effects of Different Types of Encoding Task on Memory for Famous Faces and Names

In this study, incidental memory for familiar faces following different types of encoding task was investigated. Subjects who had been asked to name faces of celebrities at presentation subsequently remembered them significantly better than subjects who had been asked to provide contextual information about the faces, and than subjects who had been asked to distinguish them from unfamiliar faces. This effect persisted regardless of whether the tests required memory for names, faces, or biographical information. It is argued that these results can be explained in terms of the face-processing framework of Bruce and Young (1986) and the theory of episodic memory for faces put forward by Bruce (1982, 1988). However the findings are not consistent with levels of processing (Craik & Lockhart, 1972), nor transfer appropriate processing (Morris, Bransford, & Franks, 1977).

Naming Faces: The Effects of Facial Distinctiveness and Surname Frequency

The effects of the frequency of a surname in the population and of the distinctiveness of a face on the latency to name famous faces were explored. Distinctive faces were named more quickly than were typical faces. Celebrities with low-frequency surnames were named faster than celebrities with high-frequency surnames, but only if their faces were distinctive. Subsequent experiments showed that the effect of surname frequency could not be attributed to differences in the articulatory onsets of the surnames and was not present in a task that did not require a naming response. Experiments in which surnames were taught to previously unfamiliar faces showed that familiar surnames (e.g. the surnames of celebrities) were produced more rapidly than were unfamiliar surnames. If familiar surnames were taught, no effect of surname frequency was observed. It is concluded that lexical access to peoples’ names is frequency sensitive—surnames shared by few individuals are accessed faster than are high-frequency surnames. However, when learning names to unfamiliar faces, familiar surnames (i.e. the surnames of people already known to the subject) are learned and accessed more quickly than unfamiliar surnames.

By which name should I call thee? The consequences of having multiple names

The nominal competitor effect suggests that, when a person has two names associated with them, recall of either name is more difficult than if they just had one name. Drawing on a connectionist framework, this effect could arise either if multiple names were represented as being connected to a single person identity node (PIN), or if multiple names were represented as being connected via one-to-one links to multiple PINs. Whilst the latter has intuitive appeal, results from two experiments support the former architecture. Having two names connected to a single PIN not only gives rise to a nominal competitor effect (Experiment 1), but also gives rise to a familiarity enhancement effect (Experiment 2). These empirical results are simulated using an extension of Brédart, Valentine, Calder, and Gassi's (1995) connectionist architecture, which reveals that both effects hold even when the association of both names to the PIN is unequal. These results are presented in terms of a more complete model for person recognition, and the representation of semantic information within such a model is examined.

Overt and Covert Recognition of Faces in Children and Adults

There has been considerable recent interest in covert face-recognition effects In Experiment 1, we adapted a paradigm, previously shown to produce covert recognition effects, to test 5-year-old children Classmates' photographs served as the familiar faces Children showed effects of familiarity on face matching similar to the effects normal adults and prosopagnosics had previously shown for famous faces In Experiment 2, we investigated whether brief familiarization with the photographs used in Experiment I would suffice to produce the effects, in children and adults It did not, even though the exposure did lead to above-chance overt recognition Taken together with previous studies, the data suggest that covert recognition may be doubly dissociable from overt recognition Finding a double dissociation would place constraints on models of face recognition

Putting a name to a face: the role of name labels in the formation of face memories

Although previous research in ERPs has focused on the conditions under which faces are recognized, less research has focused on the process by which face representations are acquired and maintained. In Experiment 1, participants were required to monitor for a target "Joe" face that was shown among a series of nontarget "Other" faces. At the halfway point, participants were instructed to switch targets from the Joe face to a previous nontarget face that is now labeled "Bob." The ERP analysis focused on the posterior N250 component known to index face familiarity and the P300 component associated with context updating and response decision. Results showed that, in the first half of the experiment, there was increase in N250 negativity to the target Joe face compared with the nontarget Bob and designated Other face. In the second half of the experiment, an enhanced N250 negativity was produced to the now-target Bob face compared with the Other face. Critically, the enhanced N250 negativity to the Joe face was maintained, although Joe was no longer the target. The P300 component followed a similar pattern of brain response, where the Joe face elicited a significantly larger P300 amplitude than the Other face and the Bob face. In the Bob half of the experiment, the Bob face elicited a reliably larger P300 than the Other faces, and the heightened P300 to the Joe face was sustained. In Experiment 2, we examined whether the increased N250 and P300 to Joe was because of simple naming effects. Participants were introduced to both Joe and Bob faces and names at the beginning of the experiment. In the first half of the experiment, participants monitored for the target Joe face and at the halfway point, they were instructed to switch targets to the Bob face. Findings show that N250 negativity significantly increased to the Joe face relative to the Bob and Other faces in the first half of the experiment and an enhanced N250 negativity was found for the target Bob face and the nontarget Joe face in the second half. An increased P300 amplitude was demonstrated to the target Joe and Bob faces in the first and second halves of the experiment, respectively. Importantly, the P300 amplitude elicited by the Joe face equaled the P300 amplitude to the Bob face, although it was no longer the target face. The findings from Experiments 1 and 2 suggest that the N250 component is not solely determined by name labeling, exposure, or task relevancy, but it is the combination of these factors that contribute to the acquisition of enduring face representations.

Naming very familiar people: When retrieving names is faster than retrieving semantic biographical information

One of the most reliable findings in the literature on person indentification is that semantic categorization of a face occurs more quickly than naming a face. Here we present two experiments in which participants are shown the faces of their colleagues, i.e., personally familiar people, encountered with high frequency. In each experiment, naming was faster than making a semantic classification, despite the fact that the semantic classifications were highly salient to the participants (Experiment 1: highest degree obtained; Experiment 2: nationality). The finding is consistent with models that allow or parallel access from faces to semantic information and to names, and demonstrates the need for the frequency of exposure to names to be taken into account in models of proper name processing e.g. Burke, Mackay, Worthley and Wade (1991).

Children and adults recall the names of highly familiar faces faster than semantic information

Adults find it harder to remember the names of familiar people than other biographical information such as occupation or nationality. It has been suggested that the opposite effect occurs in children (Scanlan & Johnston, 1997). We failed to replicate the effects found by Scanlan and Johnston and instead found that children were slower to match a name than an occupation to a famous face (Experiment 1). In Experiments 2 and 3, however, we show a temporal advantage for names in both adults and children when highly familiar faces are used. This is the case for famous and personally known faces. These results show that the speed of name retrieval is influenced by familiarity in the same way in both children and adults and indicate that children do not represent knowledge for familiar people differently from adults. The implications of these results for current models of name retrieval difficulties are discussed.

Seeing John Malkovich: the neural substrates of person categorization

Neuroimaging data have implicated regions of the ventral temporal cortex (e.g., fusiform gyrus) as functionally important in face recognition. Recent evidence, however, suggests that these regions are not face-specific, but rather reflect subordinate-level categorical processing underpinned by perceptual expertise. Moreover, when people possess expertise for a particular class of stimuli (e.g., faces), subordinate-level identification is thought to be an automatic process. To investigate the neural substrates of person construal, we used functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) to contrast brain activity while participants judged faces at different levels of semantic specificity (i.e., identity vs. occupation). The results revealed that participants were quicker to access identity than occupational knowledge. In addition, greater activity was observed in bilateral regions of the fusiform gyrus on identity than occupation trials. Taken together, these findings support the viewpoint that person construal is characterized by the ability to access subordinate-level semantic information about people, a capacity that is underpinned by neural activity in discrete regions of the ventral temporal cortex.

Matching faces for semantic information and names: an event-related brain potentials study

In face identification, it has been controversial whether or not access to biographical information and to a person's name are mediated by qualitatively different loci. We recorded ERPs while participants saw two successive faces and performed a matching task that either required retrieval of semantic information ("same or different profession?"), or retrieval of the person's name ("same or different number of forename syllables?"). For both tasks, slow ERP activity between the first and the second face was characterized by a prominent right posterior negativity, with the asymmetry being larger for the name than the semantic matching task. ERPs to the second face showed a difference between congruent (matching) and incongruent (mismatching) trials, with more negative ERPs for incongruent trials. In the semantic matching task, these differences were significant between 450 and 550 ms, and resembled an N400, with a maximum negativity over the vertex. In the name matching task, the topography of this congruency effect was qualitatively different from that seen in semantic matching. These findings suggest that different brain substrates mediate the access to semantic and name information.

Long-latency ERPs and recognition of facial identity

N400 brain event-related potential (ERP) is a mismatch negativity originally found in response to semantic incongruences of a linguistic nature and is used paradigmatically to investigate memory organization in various domains of information, including that of faces. In the present study, we analyzed different mismatch negativities evoked in N400-like paradigms related to recognition of newly learned faces with or without associated verbal information. ERPs were compared in the following conditions: (1) mismatching features (eyes-eyebrows) using a facial context corresponding to the faces learned without associated verbal information ("pure" intradomain facial processing); (2) mismatching features using a facial context corresponding to the faces learned with associated occupations and proper names ("nonpure" intradomain facial processing); (3) mismatching occupations using a facial context (cross-domain processing); and (4) mismatching names using an occupation context (intradomain verbal processing). Results revealed that mismatching stimuli in the four conditions elicited a mismatch negativity analogous to N400 but with different timing and topographical patterns. The onset of the mismatch negativity occurred earliest in Conditions 1 and 2, followed by Condition 4, and latest in Condition 3. The negativity had the shortest duration in Task 1 and the longest duration in Task 3. Bilateral parietal activity was confirmed in all conditions, in addition to a predominant right posterior temporal localization in Condition 1, a predominant right frontal localization in Condition 2, an occipital localization in Condition 3, and a more widely distributed (although with posterior predominance) localization in Condition 4. These results support the existence of multiple N400, and particularly of a nonlinguistic N400 related to purely visual information, which can be evoked by facial structure processing in the absence of verbal-semantic information.

Observation distance and recognition of photographs of celebrities' faces

Subjects were tested to assess the distance at which they could recognize the faces of celebrities (more specifically, a set of 44 portrait photographs of movie and television actors). The set of test photographs was shown initially at a distance of 200 ft. and then closer in increments of 20 ft. When the actor in a given photograph was identified, either by name, character role, or by the movie or television show in which the actor had starred, the recognition-distance was recorded and the photograph was removed from the test set. Those which were not recognized (even at the closest distance) were not included in the data summaries or statistical analysis. In calculating recognition-distance for each photograph, the values were adjusted to reflect the distance at which recognition would have occurred if all the faces were of normal size. The upper limit for recognition, as defined by the distance above which only 10% of the faces are identified, was just over 160 ft. for women, and just under 200 ft. for men. There was also a significant difference in mean recognition distance between women and men. The large range of recognition-distance (across photographs and across subjects) argues that the distance is not controlled primarily by the feature detail provided in a given photograph or by the discrimination and recall skills of the observer. More likely it is a function of diverse memory associations, so that the distance at which each photograph is recognized will depend on such factors as frequency and recency of exposure, perceived attractiveness, and how much the subject admires the celebrity.

A serial test of the laterality of familiar face recognition

The purpose of the present study was to address the issue of laterality of familiar face recognition. Seventy-two participants judged familiar faces presented laterally or centrally for their "faceness," familiarity, occupation, and name (which represent four stages of familiar face processing) using one of three response modes-verbal, manual, or combined. The pattern of reaction times (RTs) implied a serial process of familiar face recognition. Centrally presented stimuli were recognized faster than laterally presented stimuli. No RT differences were found between the left and right visual fields (VFs) across all judgments and response modes. The findings were interpreted as supporting the notion that there are no significant hemispheric differences in familiar face recognition.

I recognize your face, but I can't remember your name: a grown-up explanation?

Contemporary models of face recognition explain everyday difficulties in name retrieval by proposing that name information can only be accessed after semantic information (e.g. Bruce & Young, 1986) or by proposing an architecture which puts name retrieval at a disadvantage (e.g. Burton & Bruce, 1992). Experiments reported here examined the time required to access name and semantic details by adult and child subjects. In Experiment 1 adult subjects took more time to match familiar faces to names than to other semantic details (e.g. occupation), a finding consistent with all the previous literature on name retrieval. Experiment 2, however, showed that the youngest subjects were significantly faster in matching familiar faces to names than to semantic details. Experiment 3 also showed that children were faster at accessing names than occupations when giving vocal responses to presentations of familiar faces. These findings are not predicted by rigidly sequential models of face recognition and are discussed with specific reference to the ontogenesis of models based on a more flexible connectionist architecture.

Can we learn from the clinically significant face processing deficits, prosopagnosia and Capgras delusion?

This review describes two clinically significant face processing deficits, prosopagnosia and Capgras delusion, and provides new knowledge about the face recognition process by a convergence of empirical findings. These empirical findings are structured around two questions that are reviewed from the perspectives of the two deficits. First is the question of hemispheric specificity, which inquires into the degree of each hemisphere's contribution to the face recognition process. Second is the question of dual neural pathways, which addresses the possibility that the face recognition process proceeds along two parallel pathways in the brain. Findings from the hemispheric specificity studies reinforce the current view that right hemispheric involvement is necessary for face recognition while left hemispheric involvement is minimal. Findings from the dual neural pathways studies reinforce the plausible but yet unproven hypothesis that two neural pathways pass information from the visual association cortex in the occipital lobe toward the temporal lobes and limbic system when faces are seen and recognized. These findings, which also indicate that each of the dual neural pathways carries different, nonredundant information, could be instrumental in showing that the pathways play different roles in the manifestations of the clinically significant face processing deficits, prosopagnosia and Capgras delusion.

Refractory semantics in global aphasia: on semantic organisation and the access-storage distinction in neuropsychology

A single case study is reported of a global aphasic patient, JM, with impaired access to semantic information which was particularly severe for the class of proper names. JM's ability to perform matching tasks with printed words and pictures to auditory words deteriorated when items were repeated, especially when the response-stimulus interval was short. Performance was also inconsistent across items. The effect of repeated testing on items generalised to other, previously untested members of the same category. Despite this, JM was able to access general semantic information about stimuli from the affected categories (e.g. to categorise boys' and girls' names), and showed good ability to access an input lexicon concerning these stimuli. There was also a close relationship between the categories affected when he was tested with pictures and printed words. We propose that JM's deficit can be attributed to his semantic system entering an abnormal refractory state once semantic access for a particular item has been achieved, and with this stage being isolated from the procedures providing access to stored lexical knowledge. Furthermore, the representations affected seem common to pictures and printed words. We discuss the implications of the results for understanding the nature of semantic representations in general and for proper names in particular, and for the distinction between access and storage deficits in neuropsychology.

An interactive activation model of face naming

Burton and Bruce's (1992) model of face naming predicts a "fan effect", in which naming of famous people about whom many descriptive properties are known should be slower than naming of celebrities about whom few properties are known. An experiment is reported that showed that, contrary to this prediction, knowledge of many descriptive properties facilitated face-naming latency. An alternative architecture for an interactive activation model is proposed in which descriptive properties are represented in separate pools of units for each domain of information and in which names are represented by a separate pool of lexical output units. Computer simulations showed that this model could simulate the previously available empirical data as effectively as Burton and Bruce's (1992) original model. However, the proposed model could also simulate the effect of the number of known descriptive properties upon face-naming latency observed in the experiment reported. The new architecture also has the advantage of being more compatible with current models of speech production, and it allows preserved access to unique semantic properties in the context of impaired face naming as reported in the neuropsychological literature.

On the modularity of face recognition: the riddle of domain specificity

The present paper focuses on the modular attributes of face recognition, defined in terms of domain specificity. Domain specificity is examined by looking into the innate nature of face recognition, the special effects related to the recognition of inverted faces, the specificity of electrophysiological responsivity to facial stimuli, and the specific impairment in face recognition associated with localized brain damage. Converging evidence from these sources seems to consistently show that face recognition is not qualitatively unique, as it proceeds in a manner similar to the recognition of other visuospatial objects. However, it seems to be special in that it may involve specific mechanisms dedicated to face recognition. Among infants, differential responsivity to faces and to other objects in terms of age of onset, attraction and course of development, seems to indicate the operation of a special process. Unusual inversion effects in face recognition might be due to the special expertise that humans develop for recognizing upright faces. Face-selective single unit responses in the monkey's brain implies the existence in the visual system of cells which are exclusively dedicated to the processing of facial stimuli. Finally, in prosopagnosia localized brain damage is linked to a specific inability to recognize familiar faces. Taken together, the data seem to show that some elements in the process of face recognition are domain specific, and in that sense, modular.

Production of proper names: a clinical case study of the effects of phonemic cueing

The production of proper names is a task that in everyday life is particularly prone to temporary failures, especially in elderly subjects. The reason for this is still rather obscure but indications in recent literature suggest an independent status for proper names in comparison with common ones, which may entail differences in processing or in processing demands. The main sources of empirical evidence come, on the one hand, from studies of face and person identity recognition and, on the other, from neuropsychological observations. All the findings appear to concur in supporting theoretical distinctions that have been made for a long time in the field of philosophy of language. These distinctions have directed the endeavours of experimental research. The present study describes, for the first time, a neuropsychological patient who shows, in certain conditions, a sparing of proper names despite an otherwise deeply troubled linguistic production. This finding may appear to be counterintuitive, considering the fact that proper names are viewed, in general, as more difficult to produce than common ones. However, in consideration also of other emerging neuropsychological and experimental findings, it is proposed that possible differences in lexical access for the two categories of common and proper names may explain the phenomenon and still be consistent with mainstream philosophical theories.

Access to visual information from a name is contingent on access to identity-specific semantic information

In this study, we investigated subjects' ability to retrieve information about a familiar person's facial appearance in response to seeing their name. Each famous name was associated with one of four occupations (sport, music, politics, and acting) and one of four distinctive facial features (beard, long hair, glasses, baldness). Subjects were asked to state which occupation, and which facial feature was associated with each name. The most important finding was that subjects were generally only able to recall the distinctive facial feature that a person possessed if they were also able to recall their occupation. Recall of the person's occupation, by contrast, was not contingent on remembering the person's facial appearance. These results suggest that there are no direct links between the representation of a person's name in memory and visual information about their facial appearance. The link appears to be indirect, and to be mediated by non-visual semantic information about the person, such as their occupation. This conclusion was also supported by an examination of the effects of biographical cues on subjects' ability to recall facial information that they had previously failed to recall. In a second experiment, subjects were presented with biographical details about famous people, and were asked to retrieve information about their face and name. Retrieval of facial information did not appear to be contingent on recall of the name, nor did recall of the name appear to be contingent on retrieval of facial information. On the basis of the results, an hierarchical model of name recognition is presented which is analogous to current models of face recognition (e.g. Bruce & Young, 1986).

Repetition priming and proper name processing. Do common names and proper names prime each other?

Three experiments are reported in which a repetition priming technique was used to investigate whether recognition of a person's surname which is also a known word (e.g. Baker) activates the lexical representation that mediates word recognition. Experiment 1 showed that a familiarity decision to familiar full names produced an effect of repetition priming on subsequent lexical decision to words that were presented in the initial task as surnames. Experiment 2 demonstrated that, conversely, a lexical decision primed subsequent familiarity decision to full names involving the same word. Experiment 3 showed that repeating the same decision during the initial and test phases did not produce a larger repetition priming effect than that obtained when the task at test differed from the prime task (name familiarity decision vs lexical decision or vice versa). The results are interpreted as support for the view that repetition priming is due to repeated activation of representations that are accessed by both common names and proper names.

Naming faces and naming names: exploring an interactive activation model of person recognition

In this paper we present an interactive activation and competition (IAC) model of name recognition. This is an extension of a previous account of name retrieval (Burton & Bruce, 1992) and is based on a functional model due to Valentine, Bredart, Lawson, and Ward (1991). Several empirical effects of name recognition are simulated: (1) names that are known are read faster than names that are unknown; (2) common names are read faster than rare names; and (3) rare names are recognised as familiar faster than common names. The simulations demonstrate that these complex effects can arise as a natural consequence of the architecture of the IAC model. Finally, we explore a modification of the Valentine et al. functional model, and conclude that the model as originally proposed is best able to account for the available data.

An ecological study of professors' memory for student names and faces: a replication and extension

This experiment measured university professors' memory for the names and faces of current and former students over a two-semester span. If courses function as contextual retrieval cues for professors to remember their students, the passing of each semester should diminish the distinctiveness of these cues. Based on the Bruce and Young (1986) model of face recognition, we hypothesised that as contextual cues become less distinctive, performance should suffer more on name recall tests than on name or face recognition tests. We found that name free recall and portrait-cued name recall declined very sharply after one semester (6 months), and face recognition declined after two semesters (12 months), whereas name recognition remained perfect. These results provide a general replication and extension of Bahrick (1984), and show that difficulties in recalling names cannot be due to any weakening of name representations in memory. We suggest that name recall may be dependent on contextual cues that become less distinctive with succeeding semesters.

Impaired discrimination of familiar from unfamiliar faces

We report investigations of the face processing abilities of J.T., a man who had suffered a right hemisphere stroke. J.T. showed a marked problem in discriminating between familiar and unfamiliar faces, with no corresponding problem in discriminating familiar from unfamiliar names. The problem with faces was still found 2 years after the stroke, but had resolved at long-term follow-up (9 years post stroke). When given unlimited time to respond, J.T. did not show any problem in recognising familiar faces, but tended to think that he recognised unfamiliar faces. When under time pressure, however, J.T. also failed to recognise a number of familiar faces which he could readily identify when the time pressure was removed. J.T.'s ability to remember a face and to think of other people who might be similar in appearance was affected by whether or not the face seemed familiar or unfamiliar to him. Hence, whatever underlay the spurious sense of familiarity was sufficient to produce real differences between the way in which genuinely unfamiliar and spuriously familiar faces were seen, leading us to suggest that his impaired discrimination of unfamiliar from familiar faces reflected a malfunction of face recognition units.

From Monroe to Moreau: an analysis of face naming errors

Functional models of face recognition and speech production have developed separately. However, naming a familiar face is, of course, an act of speech production. In this paper we propose a revision of Bruce and Young's (1986) model of face processing, which incorporates two features of Levelt's (1989) model of speech production. In particular, the proposed model includes two stages of lexical access for names and monitoring of face naming based on a "perceptual loop". Two predictions were derived from the perceptual loop hypothesis of speech monitoring: (1) naming errors in which a (correct) rare surname is erroneously replaced by a common surname should occur more frequently than the reverse substitution (the error asymmetry effect); (2) naming errors in which a common surname is articulated are more likely to be repaired than errors which result in articulation of a rare surname (the error-repairing effect). Both predictions were supported by an analysis of face naming errors in a laboratory face naming task. In a further experiment we considered the possibility that the effects of surname frequency observed in face naming errors could be explained by the frequency sensitivity of lexical access in speech production. However, no effect of the frequency of the surname of the faces used in the previous experiment was found on face naming latencies. Therefore, it is concluded that the perceptual loop hypothesis provides the more parsimonious account of the entire pattern of the results.

Routes through the face recognition system

Two experiments are reported which seek to examine the proposition first put forward by Hay and Young (1982), that recognition of a known person after seeing his or her face proceeds through a series of sequentially organized stages. In both experiments subjects were shown a selection of famous and unfamiliar faces and required to state whether each face was familiar. They were then asked to recall semantic information and the person's name. Of all the possible response types, only some are predicted by models derived from Hay and Young (1982), and only these responses were observed in Experiment 1. In order to give as complete an account as possible of the slips and errors made by subjects, they were interrogated some days after completing the testing phase in Experiment 2. As in the first experiment, the results supported the view that distinct but successive stages are involved in everyday face recognition. The method developed here provides an extension of the "dairy" type of study of everyday recognition errors into laboratory conditions, which confirms the findings of studies of everyday errors and provides strong support for sequential models.

Understanding covert recognition

An implementation of Bruce and Young's (1986) functional model of face recognition is used to examine patterns of covert face recognition previously reported in a prosopagnosic patient, PH. Although PH is unable to recognize overly the faces of people known to him, he shows normal patterns of face processing when tested indirectly. A simple manipulation of one set of connections in the implemented model induces behaviour consistent with patterns of results from PH obtained in semantic priming and interference tasks. We compare this account with previous explanations of covert recognition and demonstrate that the implemented model provides the most natural and parsimonious account available. Two further patients are discussed who show deficits in person perception. The first (MS) is prosopagnosic but shows no covert recognition. The second (ME) is not prosopagnosic, but cannot access semantic information relating to familiar people. The model provides an account of recognition impairments which is sufficiently general also to be useful in describing these patients.

Covert face recognition in prosopagnosia: a review

Prosopagnosia, a spectacular face agnosia, is generally detected and discussed on the basis of explicit or overt performance of the subjects. However, recent observations suggest that an overt response is probably not sufficient to determine what is and what is not preserved in the cognitive processing of faces by prosopagnosia. Indeed, signs of covert knowledge have been evidenced in some, but not all, subjects, indicating that they are still able to use representations they cannot use overtly. Empirical data, showing that the nature of prosopagnosia is a more complex phenomenon than has been thought and that the processing models should be adjusted accordingly, are reviewed.

Resolving semantically induced tip-of-the-tongue states for proper nouns

Three experiments are reported in which tip-of-the-tongue states (TOTSs) were induced in subjects by reading them pieces of item-specific information. In Experiments 1 and 2, subjects attempted to name famous people. These experiments showed that, in a TOTS, seeing a picture of the face of the target person did not facilitate naming, whereas the initials of the person's name did. In Experiment 3, a similar result was obtained with a landmark-naming task. The results of the experiments are discussed with reference to current models of memory structure and name retrieval.

Face processing and name retrieval in an anomic aphasic: names are stored separately from semantic information about familiar people

Recent models of face recognition have proposed that the names of familiar people are accessed from a lexical memory store that is distinct from the semantic memory store that holds information about such things as a familiar person's occupation and personality. Names are nevertheless retrieved via the semantic system. If such models are correct, then it should be possible for a patient to have full access to semantic information about familiar people while being unable to name many of them. We report this pattern in an anomic aphasic patient, EST, whose inability to recall the names of familiar people occurred in the context of a general word-finding problem. EST showed a preserved ability to access semantic information from familiar faces, voices, and spoken and written names and to process facial expressions, but he was unable to name many familiar faces. These findings are compatible with current models of face processing and challenge models which propose that names are stored alongside semantic information in a general-purpose long-term memory store.