What’s That You’re Saying? Children With Better Executive Functioning Produce and Repair Communication More Effectively

Children's communication repair strategies: Online versus face-to-face interaction

INTRODUCTION

One's ability to repair communication breakdown is an important pragmatic language skill. The present study examined children's communication repair strategies between online and face-to-face interactions using a reading comprehension task designed to probe for persistent clarification requests.

METHODS

4-6-year-old typically developing children (Age: M = 5.5years) completed a communication repair task. Online group (n = 17) completed the task online, face-to-face group(n = 22) met researchers in person. Children's responses were then categorized into verbal strategies, supplementary strategies, and nonresponses.

RESULTS

Our results showed that children can effectively employ repair strategies when a communication breakdown occurs, regardless of the communication setting in response to a series of clarification requests. However, types and patterns of communication repair strategies varied between online and face-to-face interactions. Children in online interaction showed higher use of repetition and suprasegmental strategies than did their face-to-face peers. In contrast, children in face-to-face interaction demonstrated more frequent use of revision and addition. Also, we examined the relationship between repair strategy and children's language skills. The results showed that children with better language skills used more addition, which is a more complex strategy than suprasegmental and nonresponse, and tried to use repair strategies effectively in an attempt to repair their statements as clarification requests proceeded.

CONCLUSION

It is important to understand different trends of pragmatic skills of children across online and face-to-face interaction. Guidance on the effective strategy to repair communication breakdowns depending on the different contexts needs to be considered for the successful use of online learning and telepractice.

When did you stop speaking to yourself? Age-related differences in adolescents' world knowledge-based audience design

The ability to adapt utterances to the world knowledge of one's addressee is undeniably ubiquitous in human social cognition, but its development and association with other cognitive mechanisms during adolescence have not been studied. In an online production task, we measured the ability of children entering adolescence (ages 11-12, M = 11.8, N = 29 ,   17   girls ) and adolescents (ages 15-16, M = 15.9, N = 29 ,   17   girls ) to tailor referential expressions in accordance with the inferred world knowledge of their addressee-an ability we refer to as world knowledge-based audience design (AD). A post-test survey showed that both age groups held similar assumptions about the addressees' knowledge of referents, but the younger age group did not consistently adapt their utterances in accordance with these assumptions during online production, resulting in a significantly improved AD behaviour across age groups. We also investigated the reliance of AD on executive functions (EF). Executive functioning (as reflected by performance on the Wisconsin card sorting task) increased significantly with age, but did not explain the age-related increase in AD performance. We thus provide evidence in support of an adolescent development of world knowledge-based AD over and above development of EF.

A New Look at Young Children's Referential Informativeness

In this article, I review experimental evidence for the dependence of 2- to 5-year-olds' linguistic referential informativeness on cues to common ground (CG) and propose a process model. Cues to CG provide evidence for CG, that is, for the shared knowledge, beliefs, and attitudes of interlocutors. The presence of cues to CG (e.g., unimpeded listener line of regard or prior mention) is shown to be associated with less informative reference (e.g., pronouns). In contrast, the absence of cues to CG (e.g., impeded listener line of regard or new mention) is shown to be associated with more informative reference (e.g., nouns). Informativeness is sensitive to linguistic before nonlinguistic cues to CG (i.e., 2.0 vs. 2.5 years old, respectively). Reference is cast as a process of active inference, a formulation of Bayesian belief-guided control in biological systems. Child speakers are hierarchical generative models that, characteristically, expect sensory evidence for the evolved, prior Bayesian belief that interlocutor mental states are aligned (i.e., that CG exists). Referential control emerges as an embodied tool to gather evidence for this prior belief. Bottom-up cues to CG elicited by action drive updates to beliefs about CG. In turn, beliefs about CG guide efficient referential control.

How set switching affects the use of context-appropriate language by autistic and neuro-typical children

LAY ABSTRACT

The way autistic individuals use language often gives the impression that they are not considering how much information listeners need in a given context. The same child can give too much information in one context (e.g. saying 'the big cup' with only one cup present) and too little information in another context (e.g. entering a room and announcing 'the red one' when the listener has no prior knowledge regarding what this refers to). We asked whether many autistic children particularly struggle to tailor their language appropriately in situations where this means changing how they have previously described something. That is, if a speaker has recently described an object as 'the cup', the need to switch to describing it as 'the big cup' could hinder the speaker's ability to use language in a context-appropriate way. We found that switching descriptions indeed makes it more difficult for children to use language in a context-appropriate way, but that this effect did not play out differently for autistic versus neuro-typical children. Autistic children were, however, less likely to provide a context-appropriate amount of information overall than were neuro-typical peers. The combination of these effects meant that when object re-description was required, autistic children only produced an appropriate description half the time. In contrast, without a requirement to re-describe, autistic children could indeed take listener informational needs into account. Applied professionals should consider whether a requirement to change the way the child has previously said something may hinder a child's ability to communicate effectively.

How to turn that frown upside down: Children make use of a listener's facial cues to detect and (attempt to) repair miscommunication

Communication involves the integration of verbal and nonverbal cues. This study assessed preschool-age children's ability to use their conversational partner's facial expression to determine whether the partner required additional information or not. Children (aged 4;0-5;11 [years;months]; N = 101) played a game with a virtual child partner where they attempted to tell the virtual child in which box a prize was hidden. Children needed to provide several features of pictures on each box to uniquely identify the correct box. After providing their instructions, children viewed a video of the virtual child's emotional reaction (prize found = happy, not found = sad). We assessed children's recognition that miscommunication had occurred, their decision of whether or not to repair their message, and the content of their repairs. We found that children were able to determine whether or not the listener found the prize, and gauge their own skill at providing instructions, based on the listener's facial expression. Furthermore, children were more likely to attempt to repair messages when the listener appeared to be sad, although their actual success in repairing the message was minimal. With respect to individual differences, children with higher executive functioning and higher emotion knowledge skills were more accurate in their perceptions of communicative success. Children with higher emotion knowledge skills were more likely to attempt to repair their messages when the listener appeared to be sad. Overall, this study demonstrates that children are able to make inferences about communication using a listener's facial expression and that emotion recognition and executive functioning support this ability.

Pragmatic Language Skills: A Comparison of Children With Cochlear Implants and Children Without Hearing Loss

Pragmatic language ability refers to the ability to use language in a social context. It has been found to be correlated with success in general education for deaf and hard of hearing children. It is therefore of great importance to study why deaf and hard of hearing children often perform more poorly than their hearing peers on tests measuring pragmatic language ability. In the current study the Pragmatics Profile questionnaire from the CELF-IV battery was used to measure pragmatic language ability in children using cochlear implants (N = 14) and children without a hearing loss (N = 34). No significant difference was found between the children with cochlear implants (CI) and the children without hearing loss (HL) for the sum score of the pragmatics language measure. However, 35.71% of the children with CI performed below age norm, while only 5.89% of the children without HL performed below age norm. In addition, when dividing the sum score into three sub-measures: Rituals and Conversational skills (RCS), Asking for, Giving, and Responding to Information (AGRI), and Nonverbal Communication skills (NCS), significant differences between the groups were found for the NCS measure and a tendency for a difference was found for the RCS measure. In addition, all three sub-measures (NCS, AGRI, RCS) were correlated to verbal fluency in the children with CI, but not the children without HL.

Look before you speak: children's integration of visual information into informative referring expressions

Children's ability to refer is underpinned by their developing cognitive skills. Using a production task (n = 57), we examined pre-articulatory visual fixations to contrast objects (e.g., to a large apple when the target was a small one) to investigate how visual scanning drives informativeness across development. Eye-movements reveal that although four-year-olds fixate contrast objects to a similar extent as seven-year-olds and adults, this does not result in explicit referential informativeness. Instead, four-year-olds frequently omit distinguishing information from their referring expressions regardless of the comprehensiveness of their visual scan. In contrast, older children make greater use of information gleaned from their visual inspections, like adults. Thus, we find a barrier not to the incidence of contrast fixations by younger children, but to their use of them in referential informativeness. We recommend that follow-up work investigates whether younger children's immature executive skills prevent them from describing referents in relation to contrast objects.