Occurrence of fatal police violence during pregnancy and hazard of preterm birth in California

Leveraging biosocial methods to examine and address structural determinants of health and promote health equity

BACKGROUND

Biosocial approaches in nursing research have largely focused on the ways that social determinants of health influence individual-level outcomes, including symptom management, family and social support, and educational interventions.

PURPOSE

Theoretical, methodological, and practical strategies are needed to expand current biosocial methods for nursing science and focus on upstream, structural determinants of health and the policies that underlie health inequities.

METHODS

This paper summarizes presentations given at the 2023 Council for the Advancement of Nursing Science Advanced Methods Conference, Biosocial Methods to Advance Health Equity, in a panel titled "Individual, community, systems and policy related to biosocial methods."

DISCUSSION

Nurses are uniquely positioned to examine upstream, structural determinants of health by leveraging expertise in biosocial methods, collaborating with interdisciplinary researchers and community members, and advocating for policy change. By conducting theory-grounded biosocial research, nurse researchers can significantly advance scientific knowledge and promote health equity for individuals and communities.

CONCLUSION

Nurse scientists are conducting research using biosocial methods and provide recommendations for expansion of this approach in the field.

Neighbourhood-level policing as a racialised gendered stressor: multilevel analysis of police stops and preterm birth in Seattle, Washington

BACKGROUND

Most studies capturing the health effects of police violence focus on directly impacted individuals, but a burgeoning field of study is capturing the indirect, community-level health effects of policing. Few empirical studies have examined neighbourhood-level policing, a contextual and racialised gendered stressor, in relation to preterm birth risk among Black and other racially minoritised people.

METHODS

We spatially linked individual birth records (2017-2019) in Seattle, Washington (n=25 909) with geocoded data on police stops for three exposure windows: year before pregnancy, first and second trimester. We fit race-stratified multilevel modified Poisson regression models predicting preterm birth (<37 gestational weeks) across tertiles of neighbourhood stop rates controlling for individual and neighbourhood-level covariates. For the second trimester exposure window, birth was operationalised as a time-to-event outcome using multilevel Cox proportional hazard models.

RESULTS

Neighbourhood stop rates of Black residents was higher compared with White residents, and Black and Asian pregnant people were exposed to the highest median neighbourhood-level stop rates. Black birthing people living in neighbourhoods with more frequent police stops had increased risk of preterm birth across all exposure windows including the year before pregnancy (adjusted risk ratio (aRR): 1.38, 95% CI 1.02 to 1.85), first trimester (aRR:1.74, 95% CI 1.17 to 2.57) and second trimester (aHR: 1.66, 95% CI 1.14 to 2.42). We found null or inverse associations among Asian, Hispanic and White people.

CONCLUSION

Our study adds to the growing evidence documenting associations of higher risk of preterm birth with neighbourhood police stops among Black birthing people. These findings suggest that routine police practices are one aspect of structural racism contributing to racialised perinatal health inequities.

Eviction as a community health exposure

Evidence suggests that being evicted harms health. Largely ignored in the existing literature is the possibility that evictions exert community-level health effects, affecting evicted individuals' social networks and shaping broader community conditions. In this narrative review, we summarize evidence and lay out a theoretical model for eviction as a community health exposure, mediated through four paths: 1) shifting ecologies of infectious disease and health behaviors, 2) disruption of neighborhood social cohesion, 3) strain on social networks, and 4) increasing salience of eviction risk. We describe methods for parsing eviction's individual and contextual effects and discuss implications for causal inference. We conclude by addressing eviction's potentially multilevel consequences for policy advocacy and cost-benefit analyses.

Urinary oxidative stress biomarkers are associated with preterm birth: an Environmental Influences on Child Health Outcomes program study

BACKGROUND

Preterm birth is the leading cause of infant morbidity and mortality worldwide. Elevated levels of oxidative stress have been associated with an increased risk of delivering before term. However, most studies testing this hypothesis have been conducted in racially and demographically homogenous study populations, which do not reflect the diversity within the United States.

OBJECTIVE

We leveraged 4 cohorts participating in the Environmental Influences on Child Health Outcomes Program to conduct the largest study to date examining biomarkers of oxidative stress and preterm birth (N=1916). Furthermore, we hypothesized that elevated oxidative stress would be associated with higher odds of preterm birth, particularly preterm birth of spontaneous origin.

STUDY DESIGN

This study was a pooled analysis and meta-analysis of 4 birth cohorts spanning multiple geographic regions in the mainland United States and Puerto Rico (208 preterm births and 1708 full-term births). Of note, 8-iso-prostaglandin-F2α, 2,3-dinor-5,6-dihydro-8-iso-prostaglandin-F2α (F2-IsoP-M; the major 8-iso-prostaglandin-F2α metabolite), and prostaglandin-F2α were measured in urine samples obtained during the second and third trimesters of pregnancy. Logistic regression was used to calculate adjusted odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for the associations between averaged biomarker concentrations for each participant and all preterm births, spontaneous preterm births, nonspontaneous preterm births (births of medically indicated or unknown origin), and categories of preterm birth (early, moderate, and late). Individual oxidative stress biomarkers were examined in separate models.

RESULTS

Approximately 11% of our analytical sample was born before term. Relative to full-term births, an interquartile range increase in averaged concentrations of F2-IsoP-M was associated with higher odds of all preterm births (odds ratio, 1.29; 95% confidence interval, 1.11-1.51), with a stronger association observed for spontaneous preterm birth (odds ratio, 1.47; 95% confidence interval, 1.16-1.90). An interquartile range increase in averaged concentrations of 8-iso-prostaglandin-F2α was similarly associated with higher odds of all preterm births (odds ratio, 1.19; 95% confidence interval, 0.94-1.50). The results from our meta-analysis were similar to those from the pooled combined cohort analysis.

CONCLUSION

Here, oxidative stress, as measured by 8-iso-prostaglandin-F2α, F2-IsoP-M, and prostaglandin-F2α in urine, was associated with increased odds of preterm birth, particularly preterm birth of spontaneous origin and delivery before 34 completed weeks of gestation.

Associations Between State and Local Government Spending and Pregnancy-Related Mortality in the U.S

INTRODUCTION

There is limited evidence on how government spending is associated with maternal death. This study investigates the associations between state and local government spending on social and healthcare services and pregnancy-related mortality among the total, non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic White populations.

METHODS

State-specific total population and race/ethnicity-specific 5-year (2015-2019) pregnancy-related mortality ratios were estimated from annual natality and mortality files provided by the National Center for Health Statistics. Data on state and local government spending and population-level characteristics were obtained from U.S. Census Bureau surveys. Generalized linear Poisson regression models with robust SEs were fitted to estimate adjusted rate ratios and 95% CIs associated with proportions of total spending allocated to social services and healthcare domains, adjusting for state-level covariates. All analyses were completed in 2021-2022.

RESULTS

State and local government spending on transportation was associated with 11% lower overall pregnancy-related mortality (adjusted rate ratio=0.89, 95% CI=0.83, 0.96) and 9%-12% lower pregnancy-related mortality among the racial/ethnic groups. Among spending subdomains, expenditures on higher education, highways and roads, and parks and recreation were associated with lower pregnancy-related mortality rates in the total population (adjusted rate ratio=0.90, 95% CI=0.86, 0.94; adjusted rate ratio=0.87, 95% CI=0.81, 0.94; and adjusted rate ratio=0.68, 95% CI=0.49, 0.95, respectively). These results were consistent among the racial/ethnic groups, but patterns of associations with pregnancy-related mortality and other spending subdomains differed notably between racial/ethnic groups.

CONCLUSIONS

Investing more in local- and state-targeted spending in social services may decrease the risk for pregnancy-related mortality, particularly among Black women.

"We (still) charge genocide": A systematic review and synthesis of the direct and indirect health consequences of police violence in the United States

Building on historical and contemporary efforts to eliminate police and other forms of state violence, and on the understanding that police violence is a social determinant of health, we conducted a systematic review in which we synthesize the existing literature around 1) racial disparities in police violence; 2) health impacts of direct exposure to police violence; and 3) health impacts of indirect exposure to police violence. We screened 336 studies and excluded 246, due to not meeting our inclusion criteria. Forty-eight additional studies were excluded during the full text review, resulting in a study sample size of 42 studies. Our review showed that Black people in the US are far more likely than white people to experience a range of forms of police violence: from fatal and nonfatal shootings, to assault and psychological violence. Exposure to police violence increases risk of multiple adverse health outcomes. Moreover, police violence may operate as a vicarious and ecological exposure, producing consequences beyond those directly assaulted. In order to successfully eliminate police violence, scholars must work in alignment with social justice movements.

Racialized police use of force and birth outcomes

OBJECTIVE

To estimate associations between police use of force (PUOF) in local jurisdictions and birth outcomes of Black women compared to White women.

METHODS

Using birth records linked to municipal police department data on PUOF incidents, we estimated associations between overall and racialized PUOF and birth outcomes of 75,461 Black women and 278,372 White women across 430 municipalities in New Jersey (2012-2016).

RESULTS

Overall PUOF was not associated with birth outcomes of Black or White women. A 1% increase in racialized PUOF was associated with a 0.06% increase in the odds of low birth weight (β: 0.06; 95% CI: 0.03-0.09) and preterm birth (β: 0.06; 95% CI: 0.03-0.10) among Black women but had no associations with birth outcomes of White women.

CONCLUSIONS

Lack of associations between overall PUOF and birth outcomes coupled with significant associations between racialized PUOF and birth outcomes, among Black women only, is consistent with mounting evidence that structural racism adversely affects the health of Black people in the U.S.

POLICY IMPLICATIONS

The findings point to the need to address health inequalities at the structural level.

Addressing systemic problems with exposure assessments to protect the public's health

BACKGROUND

Understanding, characterizing, and quantifying human exposures to environmental chemicals is critical to protect public health. Exposure assessments are key to determining risks to the general population and for specific subpopulations given that exposures differ between groups. Exposure data are also important for understanding where interventions, including public policies, should be targeted and the extent to which interventions have been successful. In this review, we aim to show how inadequacies in exposure assessments conducted by polluting industries or regulatory agencies have led to downplaying or disregarding exposure concerns raised by communities; that underestimates of exposure can lead regulatory agencies to conclude that unacceptable risks are, instead, acceptable, allowing pollutants to go unregulated; and that researchers, risk assessors, and policy makers need to better understand the issues that have affected exposure assessments and how appropriate use of exposure data can contribute to health-protective decisions.

METHODS

We describe current approaches used by regulatory agencies to estimate human exposures to environmental chemicals, including approaches to address limitations in exposure data. We then illustrate how some exposure assessments have been used to reach flawed conclusions about environmental chemicals and make recommendations for improvements.

RESULTS

Exposure data are important for communities, public health advocates, scientists, policy makers, and other groups to understand the extent of environmental exposures in diverse populations. We identify four areas where exposure assessments need to be improved due to systemic sources of error or uncertainty in exposure assessments and illustrate these areas with examples. These include: (1) an inability of regulatory agencies to keep pace with the increasing number of chemicals registered for use or assess their exposures, as well as complications added by use of 'confidential business information' which reduce available exposure data; (2) the failure to keep assessments up-to-date; (3) how inadequate assumptions about human behaviors and co-exposures contribute to underestimates of exposure; and (4) that insufficient models of toxicokinetics similarly affect exposure estimates.

CONCLUSION

We identified key issues that impact capacity to conduct scientifically robust exposure assessments. These issues must be addressed with scientific or policy approaches to improve estimates of exposure and protect public health.

Neighborhood Proactive Policing and Racial Inequities in Preterm Birth in New Orleans, 2018‒2019

Objectives. To measure neighborhood exposure to proactive policing as a manifestation of structural racism and its association with preterm birth. Methods. We linked all birth records in New Orleans, Louisiana (n = 9102), with annual census tract rates of proactive police stops using data from the New Orleans Police Department (2018-2019). We fit multilevel Poisson models predicting preterm birth across quintiles of stop rates, controlling for several individual- and tract-level covariates. Results. Nearly 20% of Black versus 8% of White birthing people lived in neighborhoods with the highest rates of proactive police stops. Fully adjusted models among Black birthing people suggest the prevalence of preterm birth in the neighborhoods with the highest proactive policing rates was 1.41 times that of neighborhoods with the lowest rates (95% confidence interval = 1.04, 1.93), but associations among White birthing people were not statistically significant. Conclusions. Taken together with previous research, high rates of proactive policing likely contribute to Black‒White inequities in reproductive health. Public Health Implications. Proactive policing is widely implemented to deter violence, but alternative strategies without police should be considered to prevent potential adverse health consequences. (Am J Public Health. 2023;113(S1):S21-S28. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.307079).

Structural racism and adverse maternal health outcomes: A systematic review

In the United States, racial disparities in adverse maternal health outcomes remain a pressing issue, with Black women experiencing a 3-4 times higher risk of maternal mortality and a 2-3 times higher risk of severe maternal morbidity. Despite recent encouraging efforts, fundamental determinants of these alarming inequities (e.g. structural racism) remain understudied. Approaches that address these structural drivers are needed to then intervene upon root causes of adverse maternal outcomes and their disparities and to ultimately improve maternal health across the U.S. In this paper, we offer a conceptual framework for studies of structural racism and maternal health disparities and systematically synthesize the current empirical epidemiologic literature on the links between structural racism measures and adverse maternal health outcomes. For the systematic review, we searched electronic databases (Pubmed, Web of Science, and EMBASE) to identify peer-reviewed U.S. based quantitative articles published between 1990 and 2021 that assessed the link between measures of structural racism and indicators of maternal morbidity/mortality. Our search yielded 2394 studies and after removing duplicates, 1408 were included in the title and abstract screening, of which 18 were included in the full text screening. Only 6 studies met all the specified inclusion criteria for this review. Results revealed that depending on population sub-group analyzed, measures used, and covariates considered, there was evidence that structural racism may increase the risk of adverse maternal health outcomes. This review also highlighted several areas for methodological and theoretical development in this body of work. Future work should more comprehensively assess structural racism in a way that informs policy and interventions, which can ameliorate its negative consequences on racial/ethnic disparities in maternal morbidity/mortality.

Neighborhood conditions and birth outcomes: Understanding the role of perceived and extrinsic measures of neighborhood quality

Living in a disadvantaged neighborhood has been associated with adverse birth outcomes. Most prior studies have conceptualized neighborhoods using census boundaries and few have examined the role of neighborhood perceptions, which may better capture the neighborhood environment. In the present study, we examined associations between extrinsic and perceived neighborhood quality measures and adverse birth outcomes.

Methods

Participants resided in the San Francisco Bay Area of California and were enrolled in Chemicals in Our Bodies, a prospective birth cohort (N = 817). The Index of Concentration at the Extremes (ICE) for income, Area Deprivation Index (ADI), and the Urban Displacement Project's measure of gentrification were included as census block group-level extrinsic neighborhood quality measures. Poor perceived neighborhood quality was assessed using an interview questionnaire. Linear regression models were utilized to examine associations between extrinsic and perceived neighborhood quality measures, and gestational age and birthweight for gestational age z-scores. Covariates in adjusted models were chosen via a directed acyclic graph (DAG) and included maternal age, education, and marital status.

Results

In adjusted models, having poor perceived neighborhood quality was associated with higher birthweight z-scores, relative to those who did not perceive their neighborhood as poor quality (β = 0.21, 95% confidence intervals = 0.01, 0.42). Relative to the least disadvantaged tertile, the upper tertile of the ADI was associated with a modest reduction in gestational age (β = -0.35, 95% confidence intervals = -0.67, -0.02).

Conclusions

In the Chemicals in Our Bodies study population, extrinsic and perceived neighborhood quality measures were inconsistently associated with adverse birth outcomes.

A comprehensive framework for operationalizing structural racism in health research: The association between mass incarceration of Black people in the U.S. and adverse birth outcomes

Structural racism represents a key determinant of the racial health disparities that has characterized the U.S. population throughout its existence. While this reality has recently begun to gain increasing acknowledgment and acceptance within the health sciences, there are still considerable challenges related to defining the concept of structural racism and operationalizing it in empirical study. In this paper, building on the existing evidence base, we propose a comprehensive framework that centers structural racism in terms of its historical roots and continued manifestation in most domains of society, and offer solutions for the study of this phenomenon and the pathways that connect it to population-level health disparities. We showcase our framework by applying it to the known link between spatial and racialized clustering of incarceration - a previously cited representation of structural racism - and disparities in adverse birth outcomes. Through this process we hypothesize pathways that focus on social cohesion and community-level chronic stress, community crime and police victimization, as well as infrastructural community disinvestment. First, we contextualize these mechanisms within the relevant extant literature. Then, we make recommendations for future empirical pathway analyses. Finally, we identify key areas for policy, community, and individual-level interventions that target the impact of concentrated incarceration on birth outcomes among Black people in the U.S.

Highly public anti-Black violence and preterm birth odds for Black and White mothers

Highly public anti-Black violence may increase preterm birth in the general population of pregnant women via stress-mediated paths, particularly Black women exposed in early gestation. To examine spillover from racial violence in the US, we included a total of 49 high publicity incidents of the following types: police lethal force toward Black persons, legal decisions not to indict/convict officers involved, and hate crime murders of Black victims. National search interest in these incidents was measured via Google Trends to proxy for public awareness of racial violence. Timing of racial violence was coded in relation to a three-month preconception period and subsequent pregnancy trimesters, with the primary hypothesis being that first trimester exposure is associated with higher preterm birth odds. The national sample included 1.6 million singleton live births to US-born Black mothers and 6.6 million births to US-born White mothers from 2014 to 2017. Using a preregistered analysis plan, findings show that Black mothers had 5% higher preterm birth odds when exposed to any high publicity racial incidents relative to none in their first trimester, and 2-3% higher preterm birth odds with each log10 increase in national interest. However, post hoc sensitivity tests that included month fixed effects attenuated these associations to null. For White mothers, associations were smaller but of a similar pattern, and were attenuated when including month fixed effects. Highly public anti-Black violence may act as a national stressor, yet whether racial violence is associated with reproductive outcomes in the population is unknown and merits further research.

Complaints about excessive use of police force in women's neighborhoods and subsequent perinatal and cardiovascular health

There are substantial, unexplained racial disparities in women’s health. Some of the most pronounced involve elevated rates of preterm delivery (PTD) and cardiovascular disease (CVD) among Black women. We hypothesized that stress associated with excessive use of force by police may contribute to these disparities. In two prospective cohorts derived from electronic health records (pregnancy cohort, N = 67,976; CVD cohort, N = 6773), we linked formal complaints of excessive police force in patients’ neighborhoods with health outcomes. Exposed Black women were 1.19 times as likely to experience PTD [95% confidence interval (CI): 1.04 to 1.35] and 1.42 times as likely to develop CVD (95% CI: 1.12 to 1.79), even after adjustment for neighborhood disadvantage and homicide. The excess risks of PTD were also observed in maternal fixed-effects analyses comparing births to the same woman. These findings suggest police violence may be an unrecognized contributor to health inequity for Black women.

“Police shootings, now that seems to be the main issue” – Black pregnant women’s anticipation of police brutality towards their children

Background

A disproportionate number of people who are killed by police each year are Black. While much attention rightly remains on victims of police brutality, there is a sparse literature on police brutality and perinatal health outcomes. We aimed to explore how Black pregnant women perceive police brutality affects them during pregnancy and might affect their children.

Methods

This qualitative study involved semi-structured interviews among 24 Black pregnant women in New Haven, Connecticut (January 2017 to August 2018). Interview questions explored neighborhood factors, safety, stressors during pregnancy, and anticipated stressors while parenting. Grounded theory informed the analysis.

Results

Participants, regardless of socioeconomic status, shared experiences with police and beliefs about anticipated police brutality, as summarized in the following themes: (1) experiences that lead to police distrust – “If this is the way that mommy’s treated [by police]”; (2) anticipating police brutality – “I’m always expecting that phone call”; (3) stress and fear during pregnancy – “It’s a boy, [I feel] absolutely petrified”; and (4) ‘the talk’ about avoiding police brutality – “How do you get prepared?” Even participants who reported positive experiences with police anticipated brutality towards their children.

Conclusions

Interactions between Black people and police on a personal, familial, community, and societal level influenced how Black pregnant women understand the potential for police brutality towards their children. Anticipated police brutality is a source of stress during pregnancy, which may adversely influence maternal and infant health outcomes. Police brutality must be addressed in all communities to prevent harming the health of birthing people and their children.

Police Violence and Public Health

Despite their enormous potential impact on population health and health inequities, police violence and use of excessive force have only recently been addressed from a public health perspective. Moving to change this state of affairs, this article considers police violence in the USA within a social determinants and health disparities framework, highlighting recent literature linking this exposure to mental health symptoms, physical health conditions, and premature mortality. The review demonstrates that police violence is common in the USA; is disproportionately directed toward Black, Latinx, and other marginalized communities; and exerts a significant and adverse effect on a broad range of health outcomes. The state-sponsored nature of police violence, its embedding within a historical and contemporary context of structural racism, and the unique circumstances of the exposure itself make it an especially salient and impactful form of violence exposure, both overlapping with and distinct from other forms of violence. We conclude by noting potential solutions that clinicaly psychology and allied fields may offer to alleviate the impact of police violence, while simultaneously recognizing that a true solution to this issue requires a drastic reformation or replacement of the criminal justice system, as well as addressing the broader context of structural and systemic racism in the USA. Expected final online publication date for the Annual Review of Clinical Psychology, Volume 18 is May 2022. Please see http://www.annualreviews.org/page/journal/pubdates for revised estimates.

Gestational exposure to fatal police violence and pregnancy loss in US core based statistical areas, 2013-2015

BACKGROUND

Fatal police violence in the United States disproportionately affects Black, Native American, and Hispanic people, and for these groups it is a racially oppressive population-level stressor that we hypothesize increases the risk of pregnancy loss. Focusing on core based statical areas (CBSAs) surrounding small and large urban centers, we accordingly tested whether gestational exposure to fatal police violence decreased the number of live births, which is reflective of a rise in lost pregnancies.

METHODS

Our observational study linked microdata for all births (N = 7,709,300) in 520 CBSAs with at least one incident of fatal police violence in 2013-2015 to Fatal Encounters, a database that prospectively identified 2594 police-related fatalities using online media reports and public records. We estimated the association between month-to-month fatal police violence and conceptions resulting in live births using distributed lag quasi-Poisson models with CBSA-level fixed effects, adjusted for seasonality and stratified by maternal race/ethnicity.

FINDINGS

For each additional police-related fatality that occurred in the first through sixth months of gestation, we observed a 0.14% decrease (95% confidence interval: 0.05%, 0.23%) in the total number of live births within CBSAs, and a 0.29% decrease in births to Black women (95% CI: 0.11%, 0.48%). The association was null for births to White women.

INTERPRETATION

Our findings suggest fatal police violence may have population-level consequences for pregnancy loss and adds to the evidence regarding the importance of preventing these fatalities.