Dates for the Middle Stone Age of East Africa

One size does not fit all: Group size and the late middle Pleistocene prehistoric archive

The role of demography is often suggested to be a key factor in both biological and cultural evolution. Recent research has shown that the linkage between population size and cultural evolution is not straightforward and emerges from the interplay of many demographic, economic, social and ecological variables. Formal modelling has yielded interesting insights into the complex relationship between population structure, intergroup connectedness, and magnitude and extent of population extinctions. Such studies have highlighted the importance of effective (as opposed to census) population size in transmission processes. At the same time, it remained unclear how such insights can be applied to material culture phenomena in the prehistoric record, especially for deeper prehistory. In this paper we approach the issue of population sizes during the time of the Lower to Middle Paleolithic transition through the proxy of regional trajectories of lithic technological change, identified in the archaeological records from Africa, the Levant, Southwestern and Northwestern Europe. Our discussion of the results takes into consideration the constraints inherent to the archaeological record of deep time - e.g., preservation bias, time-averaging and the incomplete nature of the archaeological record - and of extrapolation from discrete archaeological case studies to an evolutionary time scale. We suggest that technological trajectories of change over this transitional period reflect the robustness of transmission networks. Our results show differences in the pattern and rate of cultural transmission in these regions, from which we infer that information networks, and their underlying effective population sizes, also differed.

Dating pleistocene archeological sites by protein diagenesis in ostrich eggshell

Eggshells of the African ostrich (Struthio camelus), ubiquitous in archeological sites in Africa, have been shown by laboratory simulation experiments to retain their indigenous organic matrix residues during diagenesis far better than any other calcified tissue yet studied. The rate of L-isoleucine epimerization to D-alloisoleucine follows reversible first-order kinetics and has been calibrated for local temperature effects and used to estimate the age range of stratified archeological sites. Age estimates are consistent with radiocarbon dates from several stratified archeological sites. With adequate calibration, this technique can provide accurate ages to within 10 to 15 percent for strata deposited within the last 200,000 years in the tropics and the last 1,000,000 years in colder regions such as China.

Tephrostratigraphy and the Acheulian to middle stone age transition in the Kapthurin Formation, Kenya

Sites containing Acheulian, Sangoan, Fauresmith, and Middle Stone Age artefacts occur within and below the Bedded Tuff, a widespread volcaniclastic member of the Kapthurin Formation, Kenya. The Bedded Tuff eruptive complex consists of up to twelve tephra beds, intercalated sediments, and paleosols. Two pumiceous units, high in the Bedded Tuff sequence, have been dated by(40)Ar/(39)Ar, one to 235+/-2 ka (Deino & McBrearty, 2002, Journal of Human Evolution, 42, 185-210, cf. Tallon, 1978, Geological Background to Fossil Man, pp. 361-373, Scottish Academic Press), the other to 284+/-12 ka (Deino & McBrearty, 2001), the latter now providing a minimum age estimate for all underlying archaeological sites. Bedded Tuff outcrops are correlated through field stratigraphic and electron microprobe geochemical analyses of individual beds. Bedded Tuff units show increasingly evolved composition through the stratigraphic succession, indicating that the beds are the product of intermittent eruption of a single differentiating magma system, and the chemical signatures of these beds permit the chronological ordering of archaeological sites. Our results indicate that the transition to Middle Stone Age technology occurred prior to 285 ka in this region of East Africa. The interstratification of sites containing Acheulian, Sangoan, Fauresmith, and Middle Stone Age artefacts suggests that these technologies were contemporary in a single depositional basin over the duration of the transition.

The revolution that wasn't: a new interpretation of the origin of modern human behavior

Proponents of the model known as the "human revolution" claim that modern human behaviors arose suddenly, and nearly simultaneously, throughout the Old World ca. 40-50 ka. This fundamental behavioral shift is purported to signal a cognitive advance, a possible reorganization of the brain, and the origin of language. Because the earliest modern human fossils, Homo sapiens sensu stricto, are found in Africa and the adjacent region of the Levant at >100 ka, the "human revolution" model creates a time lag between the appearance of anatomical modernity and perceived behavioral modernity, and creates the impression that the earliest modern Africans were behaviorally primitive. This view of events stems from a profound Eurocentric bias and a failure to appreciate the depth and breadth of the African archaeological record. In fact, many of the components of the "human revolution" claimed to appear at 40-50 ka are found in the African Middle Stone Age tens of thousands of years earlier. These features include blade and microlithic technology, bone tools, increased geographic range, specialized hunting, the use of aquatic resources, long distance trade, systematic processing and use of pigment, and art and decoration. These items do not occur suddenly together as predicted by the "human revolution" model, but at sites that are widely separated in space and time. This suggests a gradual assembling of the package of modern human behaviors in Africa, and its later export to other regions of the Old World. The African Middle and early Late Pleistocene hominid fossil record is fairly continuous and in it can be recognized a number of probably distinct species that provide plausible ancestors for H. sapiens. The appearance of Middle Stone Age technology and the first signs of modern behavior coincide with the appearance of fossils that have been attributed to H. helmei, suggesting the behavior of H. helmei is distinct from that of earlier hominid species and quite similar to that of modern people. If on anatomical and behavioral grounds H. helmei is sunk into H. sapiens, the origin of our species is linked with the appearance of Middle Stone Age technology at 250-300 ka.

Duinefontein 2: an Acheulean site in the Western Cape Province of South Africa

Excavations at Duinefontein (DFT) 2 near Cape Town, South Africa have recovered numerous stone artefacts and animal bones on an ancient surface sealed within iron-stained eolian sands. U-series analysis of an overlying calcrete places the sands before 150 ka ago, while the large mammal taxa imply an age between 400 and 200 ka ago. The artefacts include a classic Acheulean handaxe and probable biface shaping flakes that support this age estimate. The principal mammalian species are long-horned buffalo, black wildebeest, greater kudu, Cape zebra, and grysbok/steenbok, which imply a grass-and-bush mosaic instead of the historic small-leafed shrubland. Hippopotamus and reedbuck indicate that water stood nearby, probably in dune swales. The large mammal bones are mostly vertebrae and other axial elements, often in near-anatomical order. Both proximal and distal appendicular elements are rare. Bones with carnivore damage are common, but ones with stone tool marks are scarce. The sum suggests a water-edge attritional death site where people played a minimal role and carcasses were disarticulated mainly by carnivore feeding and by trampling. Stone tool marks tend to be equally rare at other Acheulean attritional death sites, and the implication may be that Acheulean people rarely obtained large mammals, whether by hunting or scavenging. Human scavengers at DFT2 would not have encountered a disproportionate number of distal (versus proximal) limb elements, and it follows that the tendency for distal elements to dominate many archeological assemblages need not reflect scavenging versus hunting. Even if DFT2 was not itself a locus of intense human activity, it provides a useful baseline for evaluating bone damage, skeletal part representation, and other variables at sites where people were deeply involved.

Models and realities in modern human origins: the African fossil evidence

The recent application of such chronometric techniques as electron spin resonance (ESR), thermoluminescence (TL), and uranium series dating has had a significant impact on perceptions of modern human origins. Claims for the presence of anatomically modern humans in Africa prior to 100 ka and for the transition leading to modern Africans at an even earlier date have been made, partly based on results of these techniques. However, a careful examination of the pertinent record shows that these claims are not unequivocally supported by the available fossil and chronological evidence.

Great Sand Sea and Selima Sand Sheet, Eastern Sahara: Geochronology of Desertification

The relation of playa sediments and associated archeological sites with longitudinal dunes allows estimation of ages for the two uppermost strata of the Great Sand Sea. Active dune formation corresponds with interpluvial periods of hyperaridity; dune stability corresponds with semiarid pluvial periods. Archeological sites associated with truncated paleosols in the Selima Sand Sheet suggest a similar climatic relation and indicate that the isohyets of central Sudan shifted at least 400 kilometers northward during the peak of pluvials.

Geochronology of Wadi Tushka: Lost Tributary of the Nile

The Sadat Canal, now under construction, is designed to drain excess water from Lake Nasser to the Western Desert by way of Wadi Tushka, a sand-filled, dry-wash tributary of the Nile 34 kilometers north of Abu Simbel. Core-drilling logs made by the Aswan High Dam Authority prior to excavation of the Sadat Canal and along 48 kilometers of its axis reveal as much as 33 meters of unconsolidated sand and gravel over Mesozoic bedrock and under surficial dune sand and playa muds of Holocene age. Excavation of the canal revealed Acheulean artifacts 6.7 meters below the surface in fluvial sediments capped by a buried, red calcic paleosol. These data are interpreted as evidence for the existence of a major tributary of the Nile during the late middle Pleistocene. The tributary drained the Kiseiba-Dungul Depression and possibly the Kharga Depression as well. Chalcedony-armored mudstones in the depressions are believed to be saline lake deposits possibly related to a lake that drained to the Nile by way of Wadi Tushka, thus entrenching the divide between the depression and the valley. Gross correlations with Pleistocene deposits of the Nile Valley and the Kharga Depression are based upon archeological evidence only until more precise geochronology can be applied to the problem.

The Ecology of Early Man in Southern Africa

It is not possible at present to demonstrate hominid occupation of southern Africa prior to the middle or late Pliocene, perhaps 3 million years ago. It may be the case that much, if not most, of the subcontinent was in fact uninhabited before that. The earliest hominid known to have lived in southern Africa is Australopithecus africanus. It was apparently replaced by Homo (?evolved into Homo) by 2 million years ago, at approximately the same time as A. robustus is first recorded locally. Homo and A. robustus then coexisted until perhaps 1 million years ago, after which Homo survived alone. There is no solid evidence that either of the southern African australopithecines made tools or accumulated bones. In fact, at the known sites, it now seems more likely that the bones, including those of the australopithecines themselves, were accumulated by carnivores. The known archeological record of southern Africa begins 2 million to 1.5 million years ago and the oldest stone tools may belong to the Oldowan Industry. Far better documentation exists for the succeeding Acheulean Industrial Complex, which was present in southern Africa almost certainly before 1 million years ago and persisted with modifications probably until sometime between 300,000 and 130,000 years ago. Although it is known that Acheulean peoples made handaxes, cleavers, and other stone tools, very little else is known about the activities of Acheuleans in southern Africa. Far more is known about their Middle and Later Stone Age successors. Southern African MSA peoples were perhaps among the earliest anywhere to take systematic advantage of aquatic resources for their subsistence, although they apparently did so far less effectively than did the LSA peoples who followed them. There are also contrasts between the ways in which MSA and LSA peoples dealt with terrestrial prey and between the contents of MSA and LSA artifact assemblages. The LSA peoples, for example, seem to have made much more extensive use of bone as a raw material, and they were the first to manufacture articles that are clearly interpretable as ornaments or art objects. From an evolutionary perspective, the LSA may represent a quantum advance over the MSA, perhaps correlated with the replacement of an archaic human physical type by the modem one. However, this must remain only a working hypothesis until much more is learned about the earliest LSA, dating to 35,000 to 40,000 years ago or more, and until there are adequate samples of well-provenienced MSA and early LSA physical remains. The later LSA, postdating 20,000 to 18,000 years ago, is reasonably well known. Later LSA peoples were probably at least partly responsible for the extinction of several large mammals in southern Africa about 10,000 years ago. By that date or shortly thereafter, at least some LSA peoples established basic hunting-gathering adaptations, which continued until the introduction and spread of agriculture and pastoralism, beginning roughly 2000 years ago. Thereafter, hunters and gatherers became progressively restricted in numbers and distribution, such that today only a very few exist, restricted to some of the most marginal environments of the subcontinent. It remains a major goal of southern African archeology to shed more light on the evolution and operation of hunting-gathering cultures during the vast time span when they covered all of southern Africa.