Australian university students agree with Clinton's definition of sex

Oral-Genital Contact and the Meaning of "Had Sex": The Role of Social Desirability

Previous studies have found that a large proportion of college students do not consider oral-genital contact as having "had sex." In all studies, the questions posed were hypothetical. In the present study, university students were asked about their own personal sexual experiences. From a large pool of participants, two subgroups were identified: those who responded "No" to having "had sex" but responded "Yes" to having had oral-genital contact (No-Yes), and those who responded "Yes" to having had both sex and oral-genital contact (Yes-Yes). None of the participants in these two subgroups self-reported vaginal or anal intercourse. The No-Yes group was significantly higher in social desirability (p < .0005) as measured by the Marlowe-Crowne scale and was also significantly higher in religiosity (p < .01) as measured on a 7-point Likert scale. There was a modest correlation between level of religiosity and social desirability (r = .25, p < .01). It was concluded that many students who have had oral-genital contact but deny having had sex do so because of impression management, i.e., a desire to present themselves more positively. These results provide further evidence that social desirability responding is a serious problem for sex researchers, one that affects even the most basic questions about having had sex.

Clear-Cut Terms and Culture-Sensitive Characteristics of Distinctive Casual Sexual Relationships in Portuguese Emerging Adults

Casual sexual relationships (CSR) are increasingly common but limited empirical research has addressed their terminology and distinctive characteristics. This study sought to identify the most clear-cut terms and to consider how culture-sensitive characteristics distinguish casual sexual relationships among Portuguese emerging adults (N = 262, 18-29 years old). We combined two qualitative studies - one by association and another by free recall - to ascertain the clarity of the terms, plus a quantitative study to further characterize and differentiate them. Participants were asked to match descriptions of CSRs with the respective terms by which they are known (Study 1). The same was investigated using an evocation task requesting that participants produce the terms by which the described CSRs are known (Study 2). Binary logistic regressions were performed to analyze the associations between encounters and labels chosen, taking the effect of gender and age into account. In the third study, participants rated the degree to which eight characteristics were present in the types of CSR, a simultaneous task that led to greater understanding of their descriptive and differentiating characteristics. Multivariate analysis of variance was used, with gender and age as covariates. We conclude that two types of CSR - friends with benefits and one-night stand - and, to a lesser extent, making out, are understood and associated with consensual labels, also found by free-recall. These CSRs proved to be distinct, as they are understood as more different than similar in a set of psychoemotional, behavioral, and sexual characteristics.

SUPPLEMENTARY INFORMATION

The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s12119-021-09859-0.

"Sex" and the Ace Spectrum: Definitions of Sex, Behavioral Histories, and Future Interest for Individuals Who Identify as Asexual, Graysexual, or Demisexual

This paper explores how people (n = 1,093) who identify as asexual or on the ace spectrum (i.e., graysexual, demisexual) define sex behaviorally using a list of 22 specific behaviors and assesses their lifetime behavioral histories and interest in future engagement in these activities. Lifetime behavioral history was also compared to each individual's personal definition of sex. Asexual, demisexual, and graysexual groups defined sex similarly. Although there were significant group differences in behavioral histories, almost all had engaged in behaviors included in their personal definition of sex. There was little interest in engaging in "sex" in the future (~4% asexual and graysexual groups, ~12% demisexuals, p < .004). Reasons for or against engaging in these behaviors in the future were explored qualitatively. The most common reasons were classified as "Emotional connection," "Partner interest," and "Disinterest-Disgust," with significant group differences noted. Disinterest-Disgust was the most frequently cited reason for the asexual group (43%). Emotional Connection was the most frequent reason for the graysexual (40%) and demisexual (69.3%) groups. Findings highlight the heterogeneity of the ace community with regard to history of and interest in sexual behaviors and the importance of distinguishing between wanting and being willing to engage in sexual behaviors across the ace spectrum.

Definitions of sex and intimacy among gender and sexual minoritised groups in urban India

Understandings of sex and intimacy carry important implications for individuals' behaviours and health. In many research studies, sex is narrowly defined as penile-vaginal intercourse, which may exclude the experiences of sexual and gender minoritised individuals. Likewise, sexual intimacy, or intimacy related to sexual experience between two or more people, is under-researched. Even less is known about how sexual and gender minoritised individuals in countries such as India understand these concepts. This qualitative study included focus group discussions and interviews conducted in three urban areas in India - Chennai, Bangalore and Kolkata. Data were analysed thematically. Participants described sex as a context-dependent experience, acknowledging that their definitions might not capture others' characterisations. Participants reported numerous barriers to intimacy, especially for transgender and other gender minority individuals. We discuss the implications of simplistic definitions related to gender and sexuality for future sexuality research and public health in settings such as those discussed here.

Would You Say You "Had Masturbated" If … ?: The Influence of Situational and Individual Factors on Labeling a Behavior as Masturbation

The term masturbation is often not clearly defined despite its prevalent use in sex education, sex research, and clinical settings. The purpose of this study was to understand what behaviors are typically considered to be masturbation as well as the situational and individual variables that may affect the labeling of a behavior as such. An online study of 564 individuals demonstrated that a wide variety of behaviors were considered to be masturbation by a majority of participants. No difference was found between men and women in the total number of behaviors labeled as masturbation. Both men and women were more likely to label a behavior as masturbation (1) if there was no sexual partner present than if there was and (2) if an orgasm occurred than if it did not. In addition, women were more likely than men to label a behavior as masturbation if they were alone and if no orgasm occurred. Younger age was associated with labeling more behaviors as masturbation, but sexual identity, self-pleasuring experience, partnered sexual experience, and attitudes toward masturbation were not related to the number of behaviors labeled as masturbation. Results speak to the importance of behavioral specificity when discussing masturbation with students, clients, and in sex research.

Heterosexual Women's and Men's Labeling of Anal Behaviors as Having "Had Sex"

This study explored labeling of penile-anal intercourse (PAI), manual-anal (MA), and oral-anal (OA) behaviors as having "had sex" among heterosexual men and women with such experience residing in the United States (n = 3,218). Adult men and women completed an online questionnaire assessing sexual behaviors and whether each counted as having had sex. With the exception of anal intercourse, there was high variation in whether a behavior was labeled having had sex. There was not consensus on which anal sexual behaviors constituted having had sex, with attitudes varying across age, gender, and behavioral experience. Those who were older, male, and had the specific behavioral experience were more likely to label it as having had sex. Behaviorally specific assessments of the various anal behaviors as part of the sexual repertoire is critical to more accurate evaluation of sexual histories and assessment of risks to sexual health.

Graded Structure in Sexual Definitions: Categorizations of Having "Had Sex" and Virginity Loss Among Homosexual and Heterosexual Men and Women

Definitions of sexual behavior display a robust hierarchy of agreement regarding whether or not acts should be classed as, for example, sex or virginity loss. The current research offers a theoretical explanation for this hierarchy, proposing that sexual definitions display graded categorical structure, arising from goodness of membership judgments. Moderation of this graded structure is also predicted, with the focus here on how sexual orientation identity affects sexual definitions. A total of 300 18- to 30-year-old participants completed an online survey, rating 18 behaviors for how far each constitutes having "had sex" and virginity loss. Participants fell into one of four groups: heterosexual male or female, gay male or lesbian. The predicted ratings hierarchy emerged, in which bidirectional genital acts were rated significantly higher than unidirectional or nonpenetrative contact, which was in turn rated significantly higher than acts involving no genital contact. Moderation of graded structure was also in line with predictions. Compared to the other groups, the lesbian group significantly upgraded ratings of genital contact that was either unidirectional or nonpenetrative. There was also evidence of upgrading by the gay male sample of anal intercourse ratings. These effects are theorized to reflect group-level variation in experience, contextual perspective, and identity-management. The implications of the findings in relation to previous research are discussed. It is suggested that a graded structure approach can greatly benefit future research into sexual definitions, by permitting variable definitions to be predicted and explained, rather than merely identified.

The Behavioral Definitions of "Having Sex With a Man" and "Having Sex With a Woman" Identified by Women Who Have Engaged in Sexual Activity With Both Men and Women

A sizable minority of women report lifetime sexual behavior with both men and women. In the present study, a multinational sample of women who reported genital contact with at least one man and one woman in their lifetime (N = 2,751) were asked to provide their behavioral definitions of "having sex with a woman" and "having sex with a man." Replicating previous research, participants were asked "Would you say you 'had sex' with a woman/man if the most intimate behavior you engaged in with her/him was …" followed by a list of behaviors that differed based on the hypothetical partner gender. While most participants indicated that they would consider "having had sex" if they engaged in a variety of behaviors, behaviors involving genital contact were most often included within the participants' definitions of having sex, regardless of partner gender. The percentage of behaviors included in the participants' definitions of having sex with a woman (M = 59.40%, SD = 20.77%) was higher than the percentage of behaviors included in their definition of having sex with a man (M = 37.26%, SD = 28.97%). Broadening our understanding of "having sex" for individuals with diverse sexual experiences may have important implications for clinicians and researchers.

Attitudes toward sex and relationships: the Second Australian Study of Health and Relationships

Background Attitudes towards sex and relationships influence laws about what is and is not permissible and social sanctions against behaviours considered unacceptable. They are an important focus for research given their links to sexual behaviour. The aim of the present study was to describe attitudes towards sex and relationships, to identify correlates of scores on a scale of sexual liberalism and to examine responses to jealousy-evoking scenarios among Australian adults. Methods: Computer-assisted landline and mobile telephone interviews were completed by a population-representative sample of 20 094 men and women aged 16–69 years. The overall participation rate among eligible people was 66.2%. Respondents expressed their agreement with 11 attitude statements, five of which formed a valid scale of liberalism, and also responded to a jealousy-evoking scenario. Results: There was general agreement that premarital sex was acceptable (87%), that sex was important for wellbeing (83%) and that sex outside a committed relationship was unacceptable (83%). Respondents were accepting of homosexual behaviour and abortion and few believed that sex education encouraged earlier sexual activity. More liberal attitudes were associated with: being female; speaking English at home; homosexual or bisexual identity; not being religious; greater education; and higher incomes. Respondents who expressed more liberal attitudes had more diverse patterns of sexual experience. Predicted sex differences were found in response to the jealousy-evoking scenario — men were more jealous of a partner having sex with someone else and women were more jealous of a partner forming an emotional attachment — but responses varied with age. Conclusion: Sexual attitudes of Australians largely support a permissive but monogamous paradigm. Since 2002, there has been a shift to less tolerance of sex outside a committed relationship, but greater acceptance of homosexual behaviour.

Consensual sex between men and sexual violence in Australian prisons

Estimates of the incidence of sexual coercion in men's prisons are notoriously variable and fraught with conceptual and methodological problems. In 2006-2007, we conducted a computer-assisted telephone survey of a random sample of 2,018 male prisoners in New South Wales and Queensland. Of 2,626 eligible and available inmates, 76.8% consented and provided full responses. We asked about time in prison, sexual experience, attraction and (homo/bi/heterosexual) identity, attitudes, sexual contact with other inmates, reasons for having sex and practices engaged in, and about sexual coercion, including location and number of perpetrators. Most men (95.1%) identified as heterosexual. Of the total sample, 13.5% reported sexual contact with males in their lifetime: 7.8% only outside prison, 2.8% both inside and outside, and 2.7% only inside prison. Later in the interview, 144 men (7.1% of total sample) reported sexual contact with inmates in prison; the majority had few partners and no anal intercourse. Most did so for pleasure, but some for protection, i.e., to avoid assault by someone else. Before incarceration, 32.9% feared sexual assault in prison; 6.9% had been sexually threatened in prison and 2.6% had been sexually coerced ("forced or frightened into doing something sexually that [they] did not want"). Some of those coerced reported no same-sex contact. The majority of prisoners were intolerant of male-to-male sexual activity. The study achieved a high response rate and asked detailed questions to elicit reports of coercion and sex separately. Both consensual sex and sexual assault are less common than is generally believed.

What is Abstinence? Definitions and Examples of Abstinence, to Prevent the Sexual Transmission of the HIV Virus, According to Spanish University Students

Research carried out in several Anglo-Saxon countries shows that many undergraduates identify oral sex and anal sex as examples of abstinent behaviour, while many others consider kissing and masturbation as examples of having sex. The objective of this research was to investigate whether a sample of Spanish students gave similar replies. Seven hundred and fifty undergraduates (92% aged under 26, 67.6% women) produced examples or definitions of the term ‘abstinence’. Spanish students made similar errors to those observed in the Anglo-Saxon samples, in that behaviours that were abstinent from a preventive point of view (masturbating and sex without penetration) were not considered as such, while a number of students reported oral sex as abstinent behaviour. The results suggest that the information on risky and preventive sexual behaviour should cease to use ambiguous or euphemistic expressions and use vocabulary that is clear and comprehensible to everyone.

"Having sex" as a graded and hierarchical construct: a comparison of sexual definitions among heterosexual and lesbian emerging adults in the U.K

Research into definitions of "having sex" has tended to employ a dichotomous response design (following Sanders & Reinisch, 1999). However, conceptions of sexual activity may be far less clear-cut (c.f. Faulkner, 2003 ; Peterson & Muehlenhard, 2007). More refinement is also needed regarding the impact of sexual orientation on the construction of what counts as sex. This research employed a continuous response design, asking 124 emerging adults (40 male heterosexuals, 42 female heterosexuals, & 42 lesbians) to judge 13 sexual acts using a graded, six-point scale. Overall, there was substantial agreement that intercourse (vaginal and anal) was "definitely," and kissing "definitely not," sex. However, across the various acts, participants also consistently made use of options between these extremes, such that a clear hierarchy of sexual behaviors emerged. The lesbian group considered a range of forms of genital stimulation to be significantly more constitutive of sex than either heterosexual group, while judgments by male and female heterosexuals did not significantly differ for any listed act. The implications of graded definitions of sex, a hierarchy of sexual behaviors, and the role of sexual behaviors in hetero- and homosexual identity management are explored.

Attitudes towards sex: a comparison of prisoners and the general community

BACKGROUND

National population surveys of attitudes towards sexual issues typically exclude prisoners and little is known about their attitudes compared with the community.

METHODS

Using computer-assisted telephone interviews, we compared a representative sample of 2289 prisoners (men=1960, women=329), aged 18-59 years, from two Australian states against a national community sample of 6755 participants (men=3333, women=3421).

RESULTS

Overall, prisoners were slightly more conservative in their attitudes towards sex than the community. They were more likely than the community to agree with the statement that abortion is wrong (men: adjusted odds ratio (AOR)=3.3, 95% confidence interval (CI): 2.8-3.9; women: AOR=1.7, 95% CI: 1.2-2.4) and that male homosexuality is wrong (men: AOR=2.6, 95% CI: 2.2-3.1; women: AOR=1.7, 95% CI: 1.2-2.3); these differences were more pronounced for men than women. The attitudes of prisoners and the community varied with age. Attitudinal differences between prisoners and the community tended to be larger than the differences between women and men (agree that abortion is wrong: prisoners, AOR=0.5, 95% CI: 0.4-0.7; community, AOR=0.8, 95% CI: 0.7-0.9; agree that male homosexuality is wrong: prisoners, AOR=0.4, 95% CI: 0.3-0.5; community, AOR=0.6, 95% CI: 0.5-0.7).

CONCLUSION

Prisoners have either similar or less accepting attitudes towards sex than the general population. These attitudes contrast with the higher engagement in risk behaviours reported by prisoners.

Misclassification bias: diversity in conceptualisations about having 'had sex'

Background: Understanding the signification of the word ‘sex’ has implications for both medical research and clinical practice. Little is known about how people of varying ages define sex and how situational qualifiers influence definitions across age groups. To our knowledge, this is the first study of a representative sample to assess attitudes about which sexual behaviours constitute having ‘had sex’ and to examine possible mediating factors (gender, age, giving/receiving stimulation, male ejaculation, female orgasm, condom use or brevity). Methods: A telephone survey of English-speaking residents of Indiana (USA) using random-digit-dialling produced a final sample of 204 men and 282 women (n = 486) ranging in age from 18 to 96 years. Questions assessed the respondents’ attitudes on manual-genital (MG), oral-genital (OG), penile-vaginal intercourse (PVI) and penile-anal intercourse (PAI) behaviours. Results: There was no universal consensus on which behaviours constituted having ‘had sex’. More than 90% responded ‘yes’ to PVI but one in five responded ‘no’ to PAI, three in 10 responded ‘no’ to OG and about half endorsed MG. Fewer endorsed PVI with no male ejaculation (89.1%) compared with PVI without a qualifier (94.8%, P < 0.001). MG was endorsed more often when received (48.1%) than given (44.9%, P < 0.001). Among men, the oldest and youngest age groups were significantly less likely to believe certain behaviours constituted having ‘had sex’. Conclusions: These findings highlight the need to use behaviour-specific terminology in sexual history taking, sex research, sexual health promotion and sex education. Researchers, educators and medical practitioners should exercise caution and not assume that their own definitions of having ‘had sex’ are shared by their research participants or patients.

University students' definitions of sexual abstinence and having sex

We asked 298 heterosexual Canadian university students about their definitions of the terms abstinence and having sex. For both terms, students were provided with a list of 17 sexual behaviors and indicated whether they would include each in their definition. The majority of both male and female students included activities that did not involve genital stimulation in their definition of sexual abstinence and did not include these activities in their definition of having sex. Conversely, most students did not include bidirectional sexual stimulation (penile-vaginal intercourse or penile-anal intercourse) in their definitions of sexual abstinence but did include them in their definitions of having sex. Students were quite mixed in whether activities involving unidirectional genital stimulation (e.g., oral sex, genital fondling) constituted abstinence, having sex, or neither abstinence nor having sex. However, they were more likely to see these behaviors as abstinent than as having sex. Students were more likely to rate a behavior as abstinence if orgasm did not occur. A canonical correlation analysis was used to examine the patterns of association between a number of predictors and inclusions of behaviors involving no genital stimulation, unidirectional stimulation, and bidirectional genital stimulation in abstinence definitions. The results indicated that male participants who were more involved with their religion and sexually conservative, less sexually experienced, and who had not received sexual health education at home were more likely to define bidirectional genital stimulation and less likely to define no genital stimulation and unidirectional sexual stimulation as sexual abstinence. The research and health promotion implications of these results are discussed.

Sex for you, but not for me: discontinuity in undergraduate emerging adults' definitions of "having sex"

The purpose of this study was to determine if undergraduates (N = 839) apply the same standard to themselves when labeling a behavior "having sex" as they apply to their significant others if those persons engage in the same behaviors outside the relationship. Using a between-participants design, one form asked participants if each of 11 behaviors constituted having sex if they engaged in the activity; the other form asked participants if each of the same behaviors constituted having sex if their significant other engaged in the activity outside their relationship. Participants answering for themselves were less likely to indicate a behavior was having sex for all behaviors except penile-anal and penile-vaginal intercourse. Men were also more likely than women to indicate most behaviors were having sex. The authors discuss what they define as a definitional discontinuity in undergraduate emerging adults' definitions of having sex. Fundamental attribution error (FAE) and emerging adulthood literature are used to explain the findings. Health and relationship implications are identified.

Sex in Australia: Attitudes towards sex in a representative sample of adults

OBJECTIVE

To describe social attitudes towards sex of Australian adults and correlates of a scale of sexual liberalism.

METHODS

Computer-assisted telephone interviews were completed by a representative sample of 10,173 men and 9,134 women aged 16-59 years. The overall response rate was 73.1% (69.4% men, 77.6% women). Respondents were asked about their agreement with nine attitude statements. Factor analysis and examination of internal consistency resulted in a six-item scale of liberalism. Correlates of attitude statements and the liberalism scale were examined.

RESULTS

Most people agreed that premarital sex was acceptable, that oral sex was considered 'sex', that sex was important for a sense of well-being and that extramarital sex was unacceptable. Men were more likely (36.9%) to disapprove of sex between two men than women were to disapprove of sex between two women (25.1%). Higher levels of education were associated with increased liberalism for men and women, as was speaking English at home, identifying as homosexual or bisexual, vaginal intercourse before age 16, having had more than one sexual partner in the year before interview, having had heterosexual anal intercourse, having no religion or faith, smoking tobacco, and drinking more alcohol.

CONCLUSION

Sexual attitudes of Australians largely support a heterosexual paradigm with no sex outside the relationship. High levels of approval of premarital sex are consistent with decreasing age of first intercourse in Australia. Higher levels of liberalism were associated with greater sexual adventurism and health risk taking.

What is sex and why does it matter? A motivational approach to exploring individuals' definitions of sex

What sexual experiences qualify as "having sex"? We investigated two assumptions apparently underlying research on how individuals make these judgments: that individuals have clear definitions regarding what qualifies as sex and that these judgments depend on how closely the activity being assessed matches their definitions of sex. Using open-ended questionnaires, 100 students, 51 women and 49 men, described their experiences that were "almost but not quite sex" or "just barely sex" and situations where there was uncertainty or disagreement about whether the experience qualified as "sex." In contrast to the above assumptions, many respondents expressed ambiguity about their definitions of sex, and their decisions about labeling an experience as "sex" often seemed influenced by the consequences of applying this label.

Sexual practices at last heterosexual encounter and occurrence of orgasm in a national survey

In order to examine factors associated with orgasm in heterosexual encounters, we analyzed data from the Australian Study of Health and Relationships, a national telephone survey of sexual behavior and attitudes and sexual health knowledge carried out in 2001-2002 with a representative sample of 19,307 Australians aged 16 to 59. Respondents were asked whether at their last sexual encounter they gave or received manual stimulation and oral sex, had vaginal intercourse or anal intercourse, and whether they had an orgasm. Vaginal intercourse was the dominant practice: 95% of encounters included it. Of the 64 possible combinations of these practices, 13 account for 93% of encounters: vaginal intercourse alone (12%), vaginal + manual stimulation of the man's and/or woman's genitals (49%), and vaginal intercourse + manual + oral (32%). Encounters may also have included other practices. Men had an orgasm in 95% of encounters and women in 69%. Generally, the more practices engaged in, the higher a woman's chance of having an orgasm. Women were more likely to reach orgasm in encounters including cunnilingus. This is the first large-scale empirical study worldwide to link specific practices with orgasm. Demographic and sexual history variables were comparatively weakly associated with orgasm.

Differences in perceptions of what constitutes having "had sex" in a population of people living with HIV/AIDS

The reduction of high-risk sexual behavior among HIV-infected individuals is a major aspect of prevention strategies to reduce HIV infection in the United States. These prevention efforts assume a common understanding between clinicians and HIV-infected individuals of the terms "sex" and what constitutes having "had sex." The purpose of this study was to determine what sexual behaviors HIV-infected individuals perceive as having had sex and to examine the variability of these perceptions. Surveys were done of 279 HIV-positive adults receiving services at an HIV-focused community health center in Dallas, TX. Responses from participants about whether they perceived a given behavior as constituting having had sex were analyzed by Chi-squared analysis. Overall, only 80.9% of respondents perceived penile-vaginal intercourse as "sex," while 76.9% said they "had sex" if someone had oral contact with their genitals. There were gender and ethnicity differences in what was perceived as having had sex. Females were significantly less likely than males to perceive anal intercourse as having had sex. Variability exists among HIV-positive individuals regarding what they perceive as having had sex. Results support the need for clinicians to more precisely ascertain sexual perceptions and risks to achieve HIV prevention goals.

Stability and change in sexual practices among first-year Australian university students (1990-1999)

A questionnaire on sexual attitudes and behavior was administered to first-year students at Macquarie University in Sydney every year from 1990 to 1999 (N = 4295 aged 18-19; 72.5% female). Responses to questions about experience of different sexual practices (tongue kissing, oral sex, and vaginal intercourse) with regular and casual partners were analyzed for trends. Over half of the students each year (on average 64% of the men, 57% of the women) had experience of oral sex or vaginal intercourse. More male than female students reported experience of each practice, especially with casual partners. Rates for female students increased significantly over the 10-year period for all practices except tongue kissing with a regular partner and vaginal sex with a casual partner; rates for male students were apparently steady. Results are consistent with evidence from other sources of an increase in the acceptability of oral sex (both fellatio and cunnilingus) in recent decades and of increasing similarity between young men's and women's reports of sexual experience.