Uninflected structure in familial language impairment: evidence from French

Identifying Linguistic Markers of French-Speaking Teenagers With Developmental Language Disorder: Which Tasks Matter?

PURPOSE

This research aimed to identify reliable tasks discriminating French-speaking adolescents with developmental language disorder (DLD) from their peers with typical language (TL) and to assess which linguistic domains represent areas of particular weakness in DLD. Unlike English, morphosyntax has not been identified as a special area of weakness when compared with lexicosemantics in French preschoolers with DLD. Since there is evidence that subject-verb number agreement is consolidated in later childhood, one might expect morphosyntax to be a particular weakness and marker of French DLD only in (pre)adolescence.

METHOD

We administered 20 subtasks that assessed linguistic and phonological working memory skills of two groups: 17 adolescents clinically identified as having DLD (M = 14.1 years) and 20 (pre)teens with TL (M = 12.2 years). Using robust statistics that are less affected by outliers, we selected the most discriminating subtasks between our groups, calculated their optimal cutoff score, and derived diagnostic accuracy statistics. We combined these subtasks in a multivariable model to identify which subtasks contributed the most to the identification of DLD.

RESULTS

Seven subtasks were selected as discriminating between our groups, and three showed outstanding diagnostic accuracy: Recalling Sentences, a multiword task assessing lexicosemantic skills, and a subject-verb number agreement production task. When combined, we found that the latter contributed the most to our multivariable model.

CONCLUSION

This study provides evidence that the most relevant markers to identify DLD in French teenagers are tasks assessing lexicosemantics and morphosyntactic domains, and that morphosyntax should be considered an important area of weakness in French-speaking teenagers with DLD.

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.21753932.

Insensitivity to verb conjugation patterns in French children with SLI

Specific language impairment (SLI) is characterised by persistent difficulties that affect language abilities in otherwise normally developing children (Leonard, 2014). It remains challenging to identify young children affected by SLI in French. We tested oral production of the passé composé tense in 19 children in kindergarten and first grade with SLI aged from 5;6 to 7;4 years. All children were schooled in a French environment, but with different linguistic backgrounds. We used an Android application, Jeu de verbes (Marquis et al., 2012), with six verbs in each of four past participle categories (ending in -é, -i, -u, and other irregulars). We compared their results and error types to those of control children (from Marquis, 2012-2014) matched for gender, age, languages spoken at home, and parental education. Results show that children with SLI do not master the passé composé in the same way as typical French children do, at later ages than previously shown in the literature. This task shows potential for oral language screening in French-speaking children in kindergarten and first grade, independently of language background.

The French noun phrase in preschool children with SLI: morphosyntactic and error analyses

We studied spontaneous speech noun-phrase production in eight French-speaking children with SLI (aged 5 ; 0 to 5 ; 11) and controls matched on age (4 ; 10 to 5 ; 11) or MLU (aged 3 ; 2 to 4 ; 1). Results showed that children with SLI prefer simple DP structures to complex ones while producing more substitution and omission errors than controls. The three groups also showed distinct error patterns. Children with SLI appeared to have difficulty with phonological processes involved in liaison, elision, and contraction, whereas control children tended to make more lexical errors. These data support models of reduced morphosyntactic and syntactic abilities in this population, and suggest that morphophonological processes should also be integrated into descriptive models of SLI.

Principles underlying the Bilingual Aphasia Test (BAT) and its uses

The Bilingual Aphasia Test (BAT) is designed to be objective (so it can be administered by a lay native speaker of the language) and equivalent across languages (to allow for a comparison between the languages of a given patient as well as across patients from different institutions). It has been used not only with aphasia but also with any condition that results in language impairment (Alzheimer's, autism, cerebellar lesions, developmental language disorders, mild cognitive impairment, motor neuron disease, multiple sclerosis, Parkinson's, vascular dementia, etc.). It has also been used for research purposes on non-brain-damaged unilingual and bilingual populations. By means of its 32 tasks, it assesses comprehension and production of implicit linguistic competence and metalinguistic knowledge (which provide indications for apposite rehabilitation strategies). Versions of the BAT are available for free download at www.mcgill.ca/linguistics/research/bat/.

Production of tense morphology by Afrikaans-speaking children with and without specific language impairment

PURPOSE

To establish whether the predictions of the extended optional infinitive (EOI) hypothesis (Rice, Wexler, & Cleave, 1995) hold for the language of Afrikaans-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI) and whether tense marking is a possible clinical marker of SLI in Afrikaans.

METHOD

Production of tense morphology was examined in 3 groups of Afrikaans-speaking children-15 with SLI who were 6 years old, 15 typically developing (TD) 4-year-olds matched on mean length of utterance, and 15 TD 6-year-olds-using both elicited and spontaneously produced verb forms.

RESULTS

On the sentence completion task, children with SLI fared on par with 4-year-olds and worse than age-matched peers. However, in terms of spontaneous production of morphemes pertaining to tense, children with SLI fared worse than both TD groups. Furthermore, children with SLI mostly made the same types of errors as 4-year-olds, although some errors were unique to the SLI group. Most errors entailed omissions, of modal and temporal auxiliaries as well as of copula be.

CONCLUSION

The errors offer support for the EOI hypothesis. Tense marking has the potential to be a clinical marker of SLI in Afrikaans, but further research with larger groups of Afrikaans-speaking children, including children of other ages, is needed to confirm this.

Verb reading in developmental language impairment

This research addresses the issues of frequency and regularity in verb reading and their importance for the organization of the mental lexicon in DLI francophones. A reading task probes response latencies and response accuracy for DLI and control participants on frequent and infrequent inflected forms of verbs. DLI participants are slower at reading verbs even if their mean accuracy rates are higher than controls'. Results also indicate that the type of suffix on the verb affects controls and DLI participants differently in their accuracy rates: DLI participants exhibit higher error rates on less frequent inflections, while controls do not. Finally, unusual patterns are found for DLI participants on regular versus irregular verbs: regular verbs are slower to be read by DLI participants. These results are compared to findings from a previous simple lexical decision study. They are interpreted as indicating that DLI word reading patterns are qualitatively different from those evidenced by controls.

Auditory verb recognition in developmental language impairment

This research addresses the issues of frequency and regularity in auditory verb recognition and their importance for the organization of the mental lexicon in DLI francophones. A primed auditory lexical decision task probes reaction times and response accuracy in DLI and control participants on frequent and infrequent, and regular and irregular, inflected forms of verbs. Results show no priming for inflectionally related forms as well as strong frequency effects in DLI participants. These findings lend additional support to the hypothesis that developmental language impairment is a deficit in lexical representation.

Familial language impairment: more English evidence

Subjects between the ages of 9 and 22 with a history of familial language impairment were tested on a wide range of linguistic tasks. The data show that they are not different from the non-impaired members of their family or from external controls in their ability to hear and understand the morphological marker for plural or to understand a narrative, but they are significantly different in recognizing or correcting grammatical errors, in producing tense or number marking, and in understanding sentences with non-canonical word order. This pattern of deficits is similar to that which occurs cross-linguistically and in on-line processing tasks. These data support the hypothesis that these subjects do not build normal representations in their grammar nor construct productive grammatical rules. However, they are able to use other means such as memory and explicit rules to simulate grammar.

What is a word? Recognizing polymorphemic lexical items in DLI

This paper addresses issues of frequency and transparency in word recognition and their importance for the organization of the mental lexicon in Developmentally Language Impaired (DLI) francophones. A simple visual lexical decision task probes responses of DLI and control participants when presented with verbs. DLI participants are sensitive to whole-word frequency and show little or no transparency effects. These results are interpreted as indicating that words are not organized according to "morphological families" in the DLI mental lexicon, but rather according to a principle of frequency. These facts support the hypothesis that words in the DLI mental lexicon lack lexical features and morphological structure.