Auditory Word Comprehension Is Less Incremental in Isolated Words

Word Type and Frequency Effects on Lexical Decisions Are Process-dependent and Start Early

When encountering letter strings, we rapidly determine whether they are words. The speed of such lexical decisions (LDs) is affected by word frequency. Apart from influencing late, decision-related, processing stages, frequency has also been shown to affect very early stages, and even the processing of nonwords. We developed a detailed account of the different frequency effects involved in LDs by (1) dividing LDs into processing stages using a combination of hidden semi-Markov models and multivariate pattern analysis applied to EEG data and (2) using generalized additive mixed models to investigate how the effect of continuous word and nonword frequency differs between these stages. We discovered six stages shared between word types, with the fifth stage consisting of two substages for pseudowords only. In the earliest stages, visual processing was completed faster for frequent words, but took longer for word-like nonwords. Later stages involved an orthographic familiarity assessment followed by an elaborate decision process, both affected differently by frequency. We therefore conclude that frequency indeed affects all processes involved in LDs and that the magnitude and direction of these effects differ both by process and word type.

Individual differences in the use of top-down versus bottom-up cues to resolve phonetic ambiguity

How listeners weight a wide variety of information to interpret ambiguities in the speech signal is a question of interest in speech perception, particularly when understanding how listeners process speech in the context of phrases or sentences. Dominant views of cue use for language comprehension posit that listeners integrate multiple sources of information to interpret ambiguities in the speech signal. Here, we study how semantic context, sentence rate, and vowel length all influence identification of word-final stops. We find that while at the group level all sources of information appear to influence how listeners interpret ambiguities in speech, at the level of the individual listener, we observe systematic differences in cue reliance, such that some individual listeners favor certain cues (e.g., speech rate and vowel length) to the exclusion of others (e.g., semantic context). While listeners exhibit a range of cue preferences, across participants we find a negative relationship between individuals' weighting of semantic and acoustic-phonetic (sentence rate, vowel length) cues. Additionally, we find that these weightings are stable within individuals over a period of 1 month. Taken as a whole, these findings suggest that theories of cue integration and speech processing may fail to capture the rich individual differences that exist between listeners, which could arise due to mechanistic differences between individuals in speech perception.

Swift Prosodic Modulation of Lexical Access: Brain Potentials From Three North Germanic Language Varieties

PURPOSE

According to most models of spoken word recognition, listeners probabilistically activate a set of lexical candidates, which is incrementally updated as the speech signal unfolds. Speech carries segmental (speech sound) as well as suprasegmental (prosodic) information. The role of the latter in spoken word recognition is less clear. We investigated how suprasegments (tone and voice quality) in three North Germanic language varieties affected lexical access by scrutinizing temporally fine-grained neurophysiological effects of lexical uncertainty and information gain.

METHOD

Three event-related potential (ERP) studies were reanalyzed. In all varieties investigated, suprasegments are associated with specific word endings. Swedish has two lexical "word accents" realized as pitch falls with different timings across dialects. In Danish, the distinction is in voice quality. We combined pronunciation lexica and frequency lists to calculate estimates of lexical uncertainty about an unfolding word and information gain upon hearing a suprasegmental cue and the segment upon which it manifests. We used single-trial mixed-effects regression models run every 4 ms.

RESULTS

Only lexical uncertainty showed solid results: a frontal effect at 150-400 ms after suprasegmental cue onset and a later posterior effect after 200 ms. While a model including only segmental information mostly performed better, it was outperformed by the suprasegmental model at 200-330 ms at frontal sites.

CONCLUSIONS

The study points to suprasegmental cues contributing to lexical access over and beyond segments after around 200 ms in the North Germanic varieties investigated. Furthermore, the findings indicate that a previously reported "pre-activation negativity" predominantly reflects forward-looking processing.

SUPPLEMENTAL MATERIAL

https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.25016486.

Neural Dynamics of the Processing of Speech Features: Evidence for a Progression of Features from Acoustic to Sentential Processing

When we listen to speech, our brain's neurophysiological responses "track" its acoustic features, but it is less well understood how these auditory responses are modulated by linguistic content. Here, we recorded magnetoencephalography (MEG) responses while subjects listened to four types of continuous-speech-like passages: speech-envelope modulated noise, English-like non-words, scrambled words, and narrative passage. Temporal response function (TRF) analysis provides strong neural evidence for the emergent features of speech processing in cortex, from acoustics to higher-level linguistics, as incremental steps in neural speech processing. Critically, we show a stepwise hierarchical progression of progressively higher order features over time, reflected in both bottom-up (early) and top-down (late) processing stages. Linguistically driven top-down mechanisms take the form of late N400-like responses, suggesting a central role of predictive coding mechanisms at multiple levels. As expected, the neural processing of lower-level acoustic feature responses is bilateral or right lateralized, with left lateralization emerging only for lexical-semantic features. Finally, our results identify potential neural markers of the computations underlying speech perception and comprehension.

Effect of contextual diversity on word recognition in different semantic contexts

Efficient word recognition is important to facilitate reading comprehension. Two important factors influence word recognition-word frequency (WF) and contextual diversity (CD)-but studies have not reached consistent conclusions on their role. Based on previous studies, the present study strictly controlled the anticipation of sentence context on target words. In the context of the semantic incongruence of Chinese sentences-that is, when the context is equivalent and low in anticipation of the target noun-CD effects were found on late processing indicators of the eye movement data of parafoveal words, and the CD feature of parafoveal words led to a significant parafoveal-on-foveal effect. However, none of these results were found in the semantically reasonable (semantic congruence) context. The results suggested that high CD words are better at adapting to unexposed or learned contexts, which was not the case for high WF words.

Cortical Tracking of Continuous Speech Under Bimodal Divided Attention

Speech processing often occurs amid competing inputs from other modalities, for example, listening to the radio while driving. We examined the extent to which dividing attention between auditory and visual modalities (bimodal divided attention) impacts neural processing of natural continuous speech from acoustic to linguistic levels of representation. We recorded electroencephalographic (EEG) responses when human participants performed a challenging primary visual task, imposing low or high cognitive load while listening to audiobook stories as a secondary task. The two dual-task conditions were contrasted with an auditory single-task condition in which participants attended to stories while ignoring visual stimuli. Behaviorally, the high load dual-task condition was associated with lower speech comprehension accuracy relative to the other two conditions. We fitted multivariate temporal response function encoding models to predict EEG responses from acoustic and linguistic speech features at different representation levels, including auditory spectrograms and information-theoretic models of sublexical-, word-form-, and sentence-level representations. Neural tracking of most acoustic and linguistic features remained unchanged with increasing dual-task load, despite unambiguous behavioral and neural evidence of the high load dual-task condition being more demanding. Compared to the auditory single-task condition, dual-task conditions selectively reduced neural tracking of only some acoustic and linguistic features, mainly at latencies >200 ms, while earlier latencies were surprisingly unaffected. These findings indicate that behavioral effects of bimodal divided attention on continuous speech processing occur not because of impaired early sensory representations but likely at later cognitive processing stages. Crossmodal attention-related mechanisms may not be uniform across different speech processing levels.