Sexual and Relationship Violence Among LGBTQ+ College Students: A Scoping Review

Although there has been increased attention to campus sexual and relationship violence (SRV) because of Title IX and the #MeToo movement, much of that attention has focused on victimization of cisgender heterosexual women. This scoping review uncovers information from empirical studies on what is known about LGBTQ+ (e.g., lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and nonbinary) students' experiences of campus SRV. Using rigorous scoping review methods (i.e., searches of 15 databases, searches of expert websites, hand searching, reference harvesting, and forward citation chaining), we identified 60 documents published since 2000 that contained findings from empirical studies related to LGBTQ+ students and SRV on U.S. college and university campuses. Through content analysis, we summarized findings around five key themes: (1) extent and types of victimization, (2) negative outcomes, (3) knowledge of and attitudes about SRV, (4) perspectives on SRV services and prevention education programs, and (5) recommendations from study authors based on their findings. Implications for research, practice, and policy based on these findings are discussed.

Rape Myth Acceptance in a Community Sample of Adult Women in the Post #MeToo Era

Rape myth acceptance (RMA) is commonly targeted in anti-rape activism (e.g., the #MeToo Movement) and prevention work due to its association with perpetration, risk of victimization, survivor outcomes, and injustices in the criminal legal system. The 22-item updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance (uIRMA) scale is a widely used, reliable measure for assessing this construct; however, it has primarily been validated within samples of U.S. college students. To assess the factor structure and reliability of this measure for community samples of adult women, we analyzed uIRMA data from 356 U.S. women (age 25-35) collected via CloudResearch's MTurk toolkit. Confirmatory factor analysis demonstrated high internal reliability for the overall scale (α = .92) and supported a five-factor structure (subscales: She Asked For It, He Didn't Mean To, He Didn't Mean To [Intoxication], It Wasn't Really Rape, She Lied) with good model fit. The rape myth ''He Didn't Mean To'' was most highly endorsed in the overall sample, while ''It Wasn't Really Rape'' was endorsed the least. Analyses of RMA and participant characteristics demonstrated that women identifying as politically conservative, religious (predominantly Christian), or heterosexual endorsed rape myth constructs at significantly higher rates. Education level, social media use, and victimization history yielded mixed findings across RMA subscales, while age, race/ethnicity, income level, and regional location showed no associations with RMA. Findings suggest the uIRMA is an appropriate measure of RMA in community samples of adult women; however, the field would benefit from more consistent administration of the scale (i.e., 19-item vs. 22-item version; directionality of Likert-type scale) to allow for comparability across time and samples. Rape prevention work should target ideological adherence to patriarchal and other oppressive belief systems which may represent a common underlying factor across groups of women showing higher endorsement of RMA.

Risk factors for perpetrating sexual aggression among adolescents: Differences by gender and sexual orientation

Although anyone-regardless of gender or sexual orientation-can perpetrate sexual aggression, most studies examining risk factors for engaging in sexual aggression include samples of boys and men, and do not consider the sexual orientation of the respondent. The current study addresses this gap in the literature by examining how risk factors for sexual aggression vary as a function of gender and sexual orientation in a sample of 1782 high school youth. Participants completed surveys evaluating engagement in consent behaviors, rape myth acceptance, perception of peer rape myth acceptance, perceived peer engagement in violence, and perceived peer support for violence. A one-way MANOVA found that constructs varied as a function of gender and sexual orientation. Specifically, heterosexual boys reported lower engagement in consent behaviors, higher rape myth acceptance, and higher perceived peer support for violence compared to heterosexual girls and sexual minority girls. The results highlight the importance of considering gender and sexual orientation when designing sexual aggression prevention programs.

Sexual victimization experience, acknowledgment labeling and rape empathy among college men and women

OBJECTIVE

Sexual victimization experience is a health concern among college students and rape empathy may help address it. Empathy with a rape victim was examined based on sexual victimization experience, acknowledgment (i.e., labeling experience "sexual assault," "rape"), and gender.

METHOD

Undergraduates (n = 531) completed measures of sexual victimization experience and rape empathy.

RESULTS

Acknowledged victims reported greater empathy than unacknowledged victims and nonvictims, but the latter two groups did not differ. Unacknowledged female victims reported greater empathy than unacknowledged male victims, but no gender difference emerged for acknowledged victims or nonvictims. Victimized men were less likely than victimized women to acknowledge their experience.

CONCLUSIONS

The association found between acknowledgment and empathy may inform efforts to address sexual victimization (e.g., prevention, victim support), and men should not be overlooked. Unacknowledged victims and greater acknowledgment rates among women than men may have contributed to previously reported gender differences in rape empathy.

Rape myth acceptance among students attending a historically black college (HBCU): implications for intervention design

OBJECTIVE

This study examines rape myth acceptance among students attending a Historically Black College (HBCU).

PARTICIPANTS

One hundred and thirty two students participated in the study. Methods: A survey consisting of demographic questions and the Updated Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale (IRMA) was distributed using an anonymous paper questionnaire to students on campus.

RESULTS

Analysis of the scale indicate a moderate to high rejection of rape myths regardless of gender, with the highest acceptance in both genders of the "She Lied" subscale. Both male and female students were likely to agree that a girl would lie about being raped to get even with a guy or after a sexual encounter that she regretted. Gender differences were found in the "She asked for it" subscale, with men having a statistically significant higher acceptance than women.

CONCLUSIONS

These results have implications for the design and implementation of targeted sexual assault interventions on HBCU campuses.

Does Gender Inclusive Language Affect Psychometric Properties of the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale-Short Form? A Two-Sample Validation Study

The Illinois-Rape Myth Acceptance-Short Form (IRMA-SF) is a widely used scale measuring people's endorsement of rape myths. However, it uses heavily gendered wording and makes gender-based assumptions that may affect its generalizability to various subgroups of people, including sexual and gender minorities who may view gender constructs outside of the heteronormative gender binary. This study validates the psychometric properties of a modified form of the IRMA-SF that is gender inclusive. Participants were adults with a range of sexual orientations and gender identities. Two sets of data were merged and then the sample was randomly split with a 20/80 weight. Data in the 20% split were used for exploratory factor analyses. Data in the 80% split were used for confirmatory factor analyses. According to the exploratory factor analysis, we found a theoretically predicted one-factor model was best (41% variance explained). Further, we found acceptable absolute model fit according to the confirmatory factor analysis (RMSEA = .07, p < .001; SRMR = .06) but unsatisfactory incremental fit (CFI = .82). These model issues were likely due to a floor-effect of low item variability which may call into question the utility of this scale in determining differences in rape myth acceptance overall. Overwhelmingly, participants in this study rejected rape myths. Researchers should explore the use of gender inclusive wording with an updated rape myth scale for use with sexual and gender minorities and, perhaps the general population, as some of these statements may be lacking in cultural relevance.

Unacknowledged and missed cases of sexual victimization: A comparison of responses to broad versus behaviorally specific questions

From the beginning of systematic research on sexual victimization, it has been recognized that a substantial proportion of women report nonconsensual sexual experiences meeting the defining criteria of rape in response to behaviorally specific items, but do not acknowledge their experience as rape in response to broad questions about whether they have ever been raped. Recent studies suggest that rates of unacknowledged rape may be as high or even higher among men than among women. This study examined rates of unacknowledged female and male victims of rape and sexual assault by comparing responses to behaviorally specific items of the Sexual Aggression and Victimization Scale (SAV-S) with responses to broad questions using the labels of sexual assault and rape (SARA) in 593 participants (303 women) in Germany. As predicted, more women and men were classified as rape victims based on behaviorally specific items than on the basis of the broad rape item. The rates of unacknowledged rape were about 60% for women and 75% for men. The gender difference was not significant. Against our prediction, no significant differences in acknowledgement of sexual assault were found in relation to coercive strategy and victim-perpetrator relationship. Few cases of rape and sexual assault identified by the SARA items were missed by the behaviorally specific questions. The implications for establishing prevalence rates of rape and sexual assault and for comparing victims and nonvictims in terms of vulnerability factors and outcomes of sexual victimization are discussed.

Attitudes Toward Men and Rejection of Rape Myths: The Impact on Survivor Rape Acknowledgment

Because unacknowledged rape survivors (i.e., those who do not conceptualize their victimization as rape) are less likely to report the crime to police or seek formal services, a better understanding of factors that contribute to rape acknowledgment is a key step to improving access to care and assault reporting on college campuses. To contribute to this line of research, this study examined the indirect effect of sexist attitudes toward men on rape acknowledgment via rejection of rape myths among female rape survivors. The analyzed sample included 250 college female rape survivors (M age = 22.49 years, SD = 7.27) who completed measures of sexual assault history, sexist beliefs toward men, and rejection of rape myths. Among these women, 49.6% were classified as acknowledged rape survivors and 50.4% of the sample was classified as unacknowledged rape survivors. Indirect effects of sexist beliefs on rape acknowledgment via rape myth rejection were supported for four types of sexist beliefs, including resentment of paternalism, compensatory gender differentiation, maternalism, and complementary gender differentiation. Specifically, the findings supported that people with greater levels of these particular types of sexist beliefs toward men rejected rape myths less, and lower rejection of rape myths was associated with increased likelihood of unacknowledged rape. The indirect effects were not supported for the heterosexual hostility or heterosexual intimacy subscales of sexist beliefs. By identifying antecedents of rape acknowledgment, the findings from this study can be used to inform programming geared toward encouraging survivors to seek services, which ultimately improves survivor outcomes.

Bystander Program Effectiveness to Reduce Violence and Violence Acceptance Within Sexual Minority Male and Female High School Students Using a Cluster RCT

Bystander interventions have been highlighted as promising strategies to reduce sexual violence and sexual harassment, yet their effectiveness for sexual minority youth remains largely unexamined in high schools' populations. This rigorous cluster randomized control trial addresses this gap by evaluating intervention effectiveness among sexual majority and minority students known be to at increased risk of sexual violence. Kentucky high schools were randomized to intervention or control conditions. In intervention schools, educators provided school-wide Green Dot presentations (phase 1) and intensive bystander training to student popular opinion leaders (phase 2). Each spring from 2010 to 2014, students attending 26 high schools completed anonymous surveys about violence acceptance and violent events. An analytic sample of 74,836 surveys with no missing data over the 5 years was available. Sexual violence acceptance scores declined significantly over time in intervention versus control schools among all but sexual minority males. This intervention was also associated with reductions in both perpetration and victimization of sexual violence, sexual harassment, and physical dating violence among sexual majority yet not sexual minority youth. Both sexual minority and majority youth experienced reductions in stalking victimization and perpetration associated with the intervention. In this large cluster randomized controlled trial, the bystander intervention appears to work best to reduce violence for sexual majority youth. Bystander programs may benefit from explicitly engaging sexual minority youth in intervention efforts or adapting intervention programs to include attitudes that shape the experience of sexual minority high school youth (e.g., homophobic teasing, homonegativity).

What's in a Label? The Impact of Media and Sexual Assault Characteristics on Survivor Rape Acknowledgment

Media coverage of sexual assault has increased since 2017 due to high-profile cases and social media campaigns designed to increase awareness of sexual assault. The purpose of this study was to examine whether media coverage of the Harvey Weinstein allegations and the onset of the 2017 viral #MeToo movement impacted the likelihood of college women acknowledging their own victimization as rape. Participants were 207 female rape survivors who completed an online survey that included assessments of survivor acknowledgment and characteristics of the sexual assault. Some participants completed the study prior to the Harvey Weinstein allegations and onset of the #MeToo movement, and some participants completed the study after these events. The likelihood of survivors labeling their experience as rape did not differ based on when participants completed the study, odds ratios (ORs) = 0.61-3.92, ps = .127-.604. Use of both nonforceful verbal resistance, OR = 2.63, p = .001, and assertive resistance, OR = 3.05, p < .001, were positively associated with the likelihood of survivor acknowledgment. The effects of both perpetrators' use of force and experiencing immobility on survivor acknowledgment were moderated by the timing of study completion, ORs = 4.22 and 0.11, respectively, ps = .023-.040. These findings suggest that media coverage may impact how certain sexual assault characteristics influence how survivors label their victimization experiences.