Changing children's food preferences: parent opinions

A review of family and social determinants of children's eating patterns and diet quality

With the growing problem of childhood obesity, recent research has begun to focus on family and social influences on children's eating patterns. Research has demonstrated that children's eating patterns are strongly influenced by characteristics of both the physical and social environment. With regard to the physical environment, children are more likely to eat foods that are available and easily accessible, and they tend to eat greater quantities when larger portions are provided. Additionally, characteristics of the social environment, including various socioeconomic and sociocultural factors such as parents' education, time constraints, and ethnicity influence the types of foods children eat. Mealtime structure is also an important factor related to children's eating patterns. Mealtime structure includes social and physical characteristics of mealtimes including whether families eat together, TV-viewing during meals, and the source of foods (e.g., restaurants, schools). Parents also play a direct role in children's eating patterns through their behaviors, attitudes, and feeding styles. Interventions aimed at improving children's nutrition need to address the variety of social and physical factors that influence children's eating patterns.

The benefits of authoritative feeding style: caregiver feeding styles and children's food consumption patterns

This research tested the associations between caregiver feeding styles and children's food consumption patterns among African-American (AA) and Hispanic (H) caregivers and their preschool children. Participants were 231 caregivers (101 AA; 130 H) with children enrolled in Head Start. Caregivers completed questionnaires on authoritarian and authoritative feeding styles (Caregiver's Feeding Styles Questionnaire; CFSQ) and various aspects of children's food consumption patterns (availability of, feeding attempts for, and child's consumption of dairy, fruit, and vegetables). Simultaneous multiple regression analyses tested the unique contribution of feeding styles in predicting food consumption patterns. Authoritative feeding was positively associated whereas authoritarian feeding was negatively associated with the availability of fruit and vegetables. Authoritative feeding was also positively associated with attempts to get the child to eat dairy, fruit, and vegetables, and reported child consumption of dairy and vegetables. Authoritarian feeding was negatively associated with child's vegetable consumption. All results remained significant after controlling for child's gender and body mass index (BMI), and caregiver's ethnicity, BMI, and level of education. Overall, results provide evidence for the benefits of authoritative feeding and suggest that interventions to increase children's consumption of dairy, fruit, and vegetables should be targeted toward increasing caregivers' authoritative feeding behaviors.

Parental pressure, dietary patterns, and weight status among girls who are "picky eaters"

OBJECTIVE

To determine whether mothers' fruit and vegetable intake and mothers' use of pressure in the feeding domain when their daughters were 7 years old predicted picky eating and dietary intake when their daughters were 9 years old, and to examine diet and weight status in picky and nonpicky eaters.

DESIGN/SUBJECTS

Participants were 173 9-year-old non-Hispanic white girls and their mothers. A longitudinal analysis was used to assess maternal influences on picky eating and diet. A cross-sectional analysis was used to examine diet and weight status between picky and nonpicky eaters. Measures included maternal feeding practices, daughters' pickiness, mothers' fruit and vegetable intake, daughters' food intake, and weight status.

STATISTICAL ANALYSES

t tests examined differences between picky and nonpicky eaters. Structural equation modeling examined relationships among mothers' fruit and vegetable intake; child feeding practices; daughters' pickiness; and fruit, vegetable, micronutrient, and fiber intakes.

RESULTS

Mothers consuming more fruits and vegetables were less likely to pressure their daughters to eat and had daughters who were less picky and consumed more fruits and vegetables. Picky eaters consumed fewer fruits and vegetables, but also fewer fats and sweets. All girls consumed low amounts of vitamin E, calcium, and magnesium, but more picky girls were at risk for not meeting recommendations for vitamins E and C and also consumed significantly less fiber. In addition, picky eaters were less likely to be overweight.

CONCLUSIONS

Mothers influenced daughters' fruit and vegetable intake via their own patterns of fruit and vegetable intake and by influencing their daughters' tendencies to be picky eaters. Both picky and nonpicky eaters had aspects of their diets that did not meet recommendations. Taken together, these findings suggest that parents should focus less on "picky eating" behavior and more on modeling fruit and vegetable consumption for their children.

Influence of mother's educational level on food parenting practices and food habits of young children

The main purpose of the present study is to examine whether differences in mothers' food parenting practices by educational level could explain differences in food consumption in Flemish preschool children. Three hundred and sixteen mothers of children aged 2.5-7 years, completed a self-administered questionnaire. Differences by educational level were found in children's and mothers' consumption frequencies of fruit, vegetables and soft drinks, and in the use of restrictions, verbal praise, negotiation, discouragement of sweets and restraining from negative modelling behaviour. Multiple logistic regression analyses revealed that mothers' consumption was an independent predictor for all four outcome variables; verbal praise was a significant predictor for children's vegetable consumption, permissiveness for regular consumption of soft drinks and sweets, and, using food as a reward for regular sweet consumption. Differences in children's food consumption by mothers' educational level were completely explained by mother's consumption and other food parenting practices for fruit and vegetables but not for soft drinks.

Revisiting a neglected construct: parenting styles in a child-feeding context

The extent to which general parenting represents feeding styles in ethnically diverse populations is not well documented. Existing measures of child feeding have focused almost exclusively on specific behaviors of European-American parents. A valid and reliable instrument was developed to identify feeding styles in parents of low-income minority preschoolers. Two hundred thirty-one parents (130 Hispanic; 101 African-American) completed questionnaires on feeding practices and parenting styles. Based on self-reported feeding behavior, parents were assigned to four feeding styles (authoritarian, n=84; authoritative, n=34; indulgent, n=80; and uninvolved, n=33). Convergent validity was evaluated by relating feeding styles to independent measures of general parenting and authoritarian feeding practices. Authoritarian feeding styles were associated with higher levels of general parental control and authoritarian feeding practices. Alternatively, authoritative feeding styles were associated with higher levels of general parental responsiveness. Among the two permissive feeding styles, Hispanic parents were more likely to be indulgent, whereas African-American parents were more likely to be uninvolved. Further, differences were found among the feeding styles on an independent measure of child's body mass index.

Sweet preferences and sugar consumption of 4- and 5-year-old children: role of parents

We investigated the relationships in children between rules that restrict consumption of mono- and disaccharides (MDS), consumption of MDS and preferences for sucrose-containing orangeade. The background ideas of restriction rules we also investigated. To this end, 44 children (5.1+/-0.5 years) performed a rank-order and paired-comparison test of preference for five orangeades, which differed in sucrose concentration (0.14, 0.20, 0.29, 0.42, 0.61 M sucrose). Parents filled out a questionnaire concerning restriction rules and their children's consumption of MDS-containing foods. Stronger restriction rules were related to a lower consumption of beverages that contained MDS and to a lower consumption of MDS-containing foods during breakfast and lunch. The most freedom to choose foods that contain MDS was given during the afternoon. Fifty-five percent of the children who were highly restricted showed a preference for the highest concentration of sucrose in orangeade. None of these children preferred the orangeade with the lowest concentration of sucrose. While 19% of the children who were little restricted preferred the beverage with the lowest concentration of sucrose, 33% preferred the beverage with the highest concentration. These parents generally believed that sugar has a bad effect on health and had similar background ideas concerning restriction rules.

Role of parents in the determination of the food preferences of children and the development of obesity

The role of parental behaviour in the development of food preferences is considered. Food preferences develop from genetically determined predispositions to like sweet and salty flavours and to dislike bitter and sour tastes. Particularly towards the second year of life, there is a tendency to avoid novel foods (neophobia). Food aversions can be learnt in one trial if consumption is followed by discomfort. There is a predisposition to learn to like foods with high-energy density. However, from birth genetic predispositions are modified by experience and in this context during the early years parents play a particularly important role. Parental style is a critical factor in the development of food preferences. Children are more likely to eat in emotionally positive atmospheres. Siblings, peers and parents can act as role models to encourage the tasting of novel foods. Repeated exposure to initially disliked foods can breakdown resistance. The offering of low-energy-dense foods allows the child to balance energy intake. Restricting access to particular foods increases rather than decreases preference. Forcing a child to eat a food will decrease the liking for that food. Traditionally, educational strategies have typically involved attempts to impart basic nutritional information. Given the limited ability of information to induce changes in behaviour, an alternative strategy would be to teach parents about child development in the hope that an understanding of the characteristic innate tendencies and developmental stages can be used to teach healthy food preferences.

Evaluation of strategies used by family food preparers to influence healthy eating

The family may exert powerful influence on family members' eating habits, though there is very little conclusive literature regarding the specific mechanisms. The authors investigated how often family food preparers use particular strategies to encourage their families to eat more healthily and then related these strategies to healthy eating outcomes in children. We identified significant differences in strategy use between family age subgroups, and we included strategy types in multiple linear regression models to predict differences in families with children. Results indicate that discussing healthy food related to 'Pressuring' strategies and discussing healthy eating related to 'Feeling and looking good' predicted healthy eating outcomes. Findings have implications for designing dietary interventions to have the largest public health impact.

Parenting style and adolescent fruit consumption

The importance of the social environment for dietary behaviour has been highlighted in the past decade. A type of environmental influence that has received increasing research attention in recent years is the influence that parents can have on their children's dietary behaviour through food-related parenting practices. Much of the work done so far, however, has reported inconsistent findings and poorly understood mechanisms of influence. The present study aimed to explore the possible environmental influence of general parenting style on adolescent food choice patterns. Data were collected at schools (N=643; mean age 16.5 years), using self-administered questionnaires on parenting style, fruit intake behaviour and fruit-specific cognitions. Consistent and theoretically predictable differences were found between adolescents who described their parents as authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent or neglectful. Fruit consumption and fruit-specific cognitions were most favourable among adolescents who were being raised with an authoritative parenting style. Children of parents with indulgent parenting styles consumed more fruit than adolescents from authoritarian or neglectful homes. Consequences of these results for the interpretation of earlier studies on the influence of parenting practices are discussed, and a research model is proposed for future studies of parental influences on adolescent dietary behaviours.

Predictors and consequences of food neophobia and pickiness in young girls

OBJECTIVE

Vegetable intake among children is well below recommended levels. We assessed whether food neophobia and pickiness contribute to low vegetable intake in school-aged girls and if there are distinct predictors for neophobia and pickiness. Children with food neophobia are reluctant to eat new foods whereas picky children resist eating many familiar foods. Design/subjects Participants were 192 7-year-old girls and their parents, recruited for a study of girls' nutrition and development. We examined relationships between food neophobia and pickiness and assessed whether these variables predicted girls' vegetable consumption and predictors of food neophobia and pickiness.

ANALYSES

The data were analyzed using a two-step process. First, we used a two-way analysis of variance to assess whether girls who scored high or low on food neophobia and pickiness measures had different levels of vegetable consumption. We used multiple regression analysis to determine predictors of food neophobia and pickiness in the girls.

RESULTS

Girls with both food neophobia and pickiness consumed fewer vegetables (1.1+/-0.1) than girls with neither neophobia nor pickiness (1.6+/-0.1). Neophobia and pickiness were modestly related in this sample, but had different predictors. Girls with food neophobia were more anxious and had mothers with food neophobia. Picky girls had mothers with less variety in their vegetable intake (r=-0.22) and mothers who perceived their family to have little time to eat healthful foods (r=0.36). In addition, picky eaters were breastfed for fewer than 6 months (r=-0.25). Pickiness was predicted primarily by environmental or experiential factors subject to changes; neophobia was predicted by more enduring and dispositional factors.

APPLICATIONS

Because food neophobia and pickiness negatively influence vegetable intake, intervention strategies to increase vegetable intake should focus on predictors of neophobia and pickiness, especially those subject to change.

"You will eat all of that!": a retrospective analysis of forced consumption episodes

The present research was initiated to examine the prevalence of forced consumption and its role in subsequent food rejection. A forced consumption episode was defined as a situation where Person(s) A forced or demanded Person B to consume a specific substance against Person B's will. An initial survey of 407 college students revealed that over 69% of them had experienced at least one forced consumption episode. One hundred forty individuals completed a follow-up questionnaire exploring various characteristics of their most memorable forced consumption scenario. Specifically, the most common type of forced consumption (76%) involved an authority figure (e.g. parent, teacher) forcing a child to consume a novel, disliked, or aversive food. In this authority figure scenario, respondents recalled the episode as involving interpersonal conflict and negative affect, and identified the most aversive aspects of this scenario as lack of control and feelings of helplessness. Furthermore, most respondents (72%) reported that they would not willingly eat the target food today. In sum, the forced consumption episode appears to be a unique situation in which distasteful food combines with interpersonal conflict to result in long-lasting food rejection.

Family environmental factors influencing the developing behavioral controls of food intake and childhood overweight

Although a large body of research has assessed direct genetic links between parent and child weight status, relatively little research has assessed the extent to which parents (particularly parents who are overweight) select environments that promote overweight among their children. Parents provide food environments for their children's early experiences with food and eating. These family eating environments include parents' own eating behaviors and child-feeding practices. Results of the limited research on behavioral mediators of familial patterns of overweight indicate that parents' own eating behaviors and their parenting practices influence the development of children's eating behaviors, mediating familial patterns of overweight. In particular, parents who are overweight, who have problems controlling their own food intake, or who are concerned about their children's risk for overweight may adopt controlling child-feeding practices in an attempt to prevent overweight in their children. Unfortunately, research reveals that these parental control attempts may interact with genetic predispositions to promote the development of problematic eating styles and childhood overweight. Although the authors have argued that behavioral mediators of family resemblances in weight status, such as parents' disinhibited or binge eating and parenting practices are shaped largely by environmental factors, individual differences in these behaviors also have genetic bases. A primary public health goal should be the development of family-based prevention programs for childhood overweight. The findings reviewed here suggest that effective prevention programs must focus on providing anticipatory guidance on parenting to foster patterns of preference and food selection in children more consistent with healthy diets and promote children's ability to self-regulate intake. Guidance for parents should include information on how children develop patterns of food intake in the family context. Practical advice for parents includes how to foster children's preferences for healthy foods and how to promote acceptance of new foods by children. Parents need to understand the costs of coercive feeding practices and be given alternatives to restricting food and pressuring children to eat. Providing parents with easy-to-use information regarding appropriate portion sizes for children is also essential as are suggestions on the timing and frequency of meals and snacks. Especially during early and middle childhood, family environments are the key contents for the development of food preferences, patterns of food intake, eating styles, and the development of activity preferences and patterns that shape children's developing weight status. Designing effective prevention programs will, however, require more complete knowledge than currently available regarding behavioral intermediaries that foster overweight, including the family factors that shape activity patterns, meals taken away from home, the impact of stress on family members' eating styles, food intake, activity patterns, and weight gain. The research presented here provides an example of how ideas regarding the effects of environmental factors and behavioral mediators on childhood overweight can be investigated. Such research requires the development of reliable and valid measures of environmental variables and behaviors. Because childhood overweight is a multifactorial problem, additional research is needed to develop and test theoretic models describing how a wide range of environmental factors and behavioral intermediaries can work in concert with genetic predispositions to promote the development of childhood overweight. The crucial test of these theoretic models will be in preventive interventions.

Family and child-care provider influences on preschool children's fruit, juice, and vegetable consumption

Children's intakes of fruit, juice, and vegetables (FJV) do not meet the recommended minimum of five daily servings, placing them at increased risk for development of cancer and other diseases. Because children's food preferences and practices are initiated early in life (e.g., 2-5 years of age), early dietary intervention programs may have immediate nutritional benefit, as well as reduce chronic disease risk when learned healthful habits and preferences are carried into adulthood. Families and child-care settings are important social environments within which food-related behaviors among young children are developed. FJV preferences, the primary predictor of FJV consumption in children, are influenced by availability, variety, and repeated exposure. Caregivers (parents and child-care providers) can influence children's eating practices by controlling availability and accessibility of foods, meal structure, food modeling, food socialization practices, and food-related parenting style. Much remains to be learned about how these influences and practices affect the development of FJV preferences and consumption early in life.

Diet quality, nutrient intake, weight status, and feeding environments of girls meeting or exceeding recommendations for total dietary fat of the American Academy of Pediatrics

OBJECTIVES

To compare the diet quality and weight status of girls consuming diets meeting the recommendation of the American Academy of Pediatrics for dietary fat with those of girls consuming >30% of energy from fat and to examine relationships between girls' dietary fat intake, mothers' nutrient intakes, and mothers' child-feeding practices.

DESIGN

Participants were 192 white girls and their mothers, who were divided into 2 groups: >30% of energy from fat (high fat [HF]) or </=30% of energy from fat (low fat [LF]), based on girls' 3-day dietary recalls. Girls' food group and nutrient intakes, Healthy Eating Index, body mass index, and mothers' nutrient intakes and child-feeding practices were compared.

RESULTS

Girls with HF diets consumed fewer fruits, more meat, and more fats and sweets and had lower Healthy Eating Index scores than did the girls in the LF group. Mothers of girls in the HF group had higher fat intakes than did those in the LF group. Girls and mothers in the HF group had lower intakes of fiber and vitamins A, C, B6, folate, and riboflavin. Mothers in the HF group reported using more restriction and pressure to eat in feeding their daughters. Girls in the HF group showed greater increase in body mass index and skinfold thickness from age 5 to 7 years.

CONCLUSION

These findings provide additional support for the recommendation of the American Academy of Pediatrics to limit total dietary fat. Findings reveal that mothers' use of controlling feeding practices are not effective in fostering healthier diets among girls and that mothers' own eating may be more influential than their attempts to control the intake of their daughters. dietary fat, dietary quality, nutrient intake, overweight, feeding practices, children.

Socioenvironmental influences on children's fruit, juice and vegetable consumption as reported by parents: reliability and validity of measures

OBJECTIVE

To pilot test theory-based questionnaires to measure socioenvironmental influences on children's fruit, juice and vegetable (FJV) consumption as reported by parents.

DESIGN

Cross-sectional.

SETTING

Parents of fourth to sixth grade students completed socioenvironmental questionnaires. The students completed food records (FRs) for 2 days in the classroom.

SUBJECTS

Interviews were completed by 109 parents (17% African-American, 32% Hispanic-American and 51 Euro-American).

RESULTS

Student mean daily FJV intake was 2.1 servings. Principal components analyses revealed subscales measuring positive and negative parenting practices; self-efficacy for modelling and planning/encouraging FJV consumption, and making FJV available; encouraging, consequences and discouraging food socialization practices; negative home, cost and canned/frozen food barriers; meal planning; child shopping; mother food preparation; and child lunch and dinner FJV preparation practices. Internal consistencies were adequate to high. Negative parent practices and negative home FJV barriers were significantly negatively correlated with child FJV consumption variables. Planning/encouraging self-efficacy was positively associated with fruit consumption, and child dinner FJV preparation was significantly negatively correlated with child juice consumption.

CONCLUSIONS

These questionnaires may provide important insights about the relationship between parent-reported socioenvironmental influences and children's FJV consumption. Future work should test these questionnaires with larger groups of parents and youths, with more reliable estimates of usual FJV intake, e.g. 7-day food records, to obtain a detailed understanding of how parents influence what children eat. Tests of models of relationships among these variables are warranted, but should control for possible confounding variables, e.g. socioeconomic status, gender of the child, etc.

Effectiveness of teacher modeling to encourage food acceptance in preschool children

Although Social Cognitive Theory (Bandura, 1997) suggests that teacher modeling would be one of the most effective methods to encourage food acceptance by preschool children, opinions of experienced teachers have not yet been sampled, teacher modeling has rarely been examined experimentally, and it has produced inconsistent results. The present study considers opinions of teachers and conditions under which teacher modeling is effective. Study 1 was a questionnaire in which preschool teachers (N=58) were found to rate modeling as the most effective of five teacher actions to encourage children's food acceptance. Study 2 and Study 3 were quasi-experiments that found silent teacher modeling ineffective to encourage either familiar food acceptance (N=34; 18 boys, 16 girls) or new food acceptance (N=23; 13 boys, 10 girls). Children's new food acceptance was greatest in the first meal and then rapidly dropped, suggesting a "novelty response" rather than the expected neophobia. No gender differences were found in response to silent teacher modeling. Study 4 was a repeated-measures quasi-experiment that found enthusiastic teacher modeling ("Mmm! I love mangos!") could maintain new food acceptance across five meals, again with no gender differences in response to teacher modeling (N=26; 12 boys, 14 girls). Study 5 found that with the addition of a competing peer model, however, even enthusiastic teacher modeling was no longer effective to encourage new food acceptance and gender differences appeared, with girls more responsive to the peer model (N=14; 6 boys, 8 girls). Thus, to encourage children's new food acceptance, present results suggest that teachers provide enthusiastic modeling rather than silent modeling, apply such enthusiastic modeling during the first five meals before children's "novelty response" to new foods drops, and avoid placing competing peer models at the same table with picky eaters, especially girls.

Development of food preferences

Using a developmental systems perspective, this review focuses on how genetic predispositions interact with aspects of the eating environment to produce phenotypic food preferences. Predispositions include the unlearned, reflexive reactions to basic tastes: the preference for sweet and salty tastes, and the rejection of sour and bitter tastes. Other predispositions are (a) the neophobic reaction to new foods and (b) the ability to learn food preferences based on associations with the contexts and consequences of eating various foods. Whether genetic predispositions are manifested in food preferences that foster healthy diets depends on the eating environment, including food availability and child-feeding practices of the adults. Unfortunately, in the United States today, the ready availability of energy-dense foods, high in sugar, fat, and salt, provides an eating environment that fosters food preferences inconsistent with dietary guidelines, which can promote excess weight gain and obesity.

Factors influencing children's food choice

Although food habits arc not stable and unchanging during a person's lifetime, a base for healthy food habits can be created in early childhood. Children's food habits can be assumed to be influenced by their parents' food habits and choices. The aim of this article is to review factors influencing food choice in children as well as in adults. The results demonstrate that the development of children's food habits is influenced by a multitude of factors. Parents play an important role in the formation of food habits and preferences of young children. They can influence their children's food choice by making specific foods available, by acting as models for their children and by their behaviour in specific situations. Children tend to be afraid of new foods and do not readily accept them. However, experience is known to enhance preference, and earlier experiences of a particular food are the major determinants of the development of children's food acceptance patterns. Thus, parents should be encouraged to make healthy foods easily available to the child and serve these foods in positive mealtime situations in order to help their child to develop healthy food habits.

Fruit and vegetable consumption, nutritional knowledge and beliefs in mothers and children

Increasing fruit and vegetable consumption is an important health behaviour. Parental and other psychosocial influences on children's fruit and vegetable consumption are poorly understood. The contribution of a variety of psychosocial and environmental factors to consumption of fruit and vegetables by children aged 9-11 years was explored. Ninety-two mothers and children (48 girls and 44 boys) were recruited via urban primary health-care practices. Socio-economic and educational level, nutritional knowledge and health- and diet-related beliefs and attitudes were assessed in mothers and children by questionnaires and semistructured interviews. Mothers>> diets were measured by a food frequency questionnaire, while children's diets were assessed by 3-day diaries (N=80). The pattern of influence of the various measures on fruit and vegetable consumption was compared with that on children's confectionery intake. The children's intakes of macronutrients were typical for the U.K. (37% fat, 50% carbohydrate and 13% protein by energy; 12 g/day fibre), while median fruit, fruit juice and vegetable intake amounted to about 2.5 servings/day. Univariate correlations and subsequent multiple regression analyses revealed quite different influences on the three food types. Independent predictors of children's fruit intake included mothers>> nutritional knowledge (beta=0.37), mothers>> frequency of fruit consumption (beta=0.30) and mothers>> attitudinal conviction that increasing fruit and vegetable consumption by their children could reduce their risk of developing cancer (beta=0.27; multiple r2=0.37,p<0.0001). Children's vegetable consumption was independently explained by the child's liking for commonly eaten vegetables (beta=0.36) and the mother's belief in the importance of disease prevention when choosing her child's food (beta=-0.27 r2=0.20,p<0.001). Children's confectionery consumption was predicted by the mother's liking for confectionery (beta=0.32) and the children's concern for health in choosing what to eat (beta=-0.26 r2=0.16, p<0.005). Children's consumption of fruit and vegetables are related to different psychosocial and environmental factors. Promotion of this behaviour may require attention to nutritional education and child feeding strategies of parents.

Development of eating behaviors among children and adolescents

The prevalence of obesity among children is high and is increasing. We know that obesity runs in families, with children of obese parents at greater risk of developing obesity than children of thin parents. Research on genetic factors in obesity has provided us with estimates of the proportion of the variance in a population accounted for by genetic factors. However, this research does not provide information regarding individual development. To design effective preventive interventions, research is needed to delineate how genetics and environmental factors interact in the etiology of childhood obesity. Addressing this question is especially challenging because parents provide both genes and environment for children. An enormous amount of learning about food and eating occurs during the transition from the exclusive milk diet of infancy to the omnivore's diet consumed by early childhood. This early learning is constrained by children's genetic predispositions, which include the unlearned preference for sweet tastes, salty tastes, and the rejection of sour and bitter tastes. Children also are predisposed to reject new foods and to learn associations between foods' flavors and the postingestive consequences of eating. Evidence suggests that children can respond to the energy density of the diet and that although intake at individual meals is erratic, 24-hour energy intake is relatively well regulated. There are individual differences in the regulation of energy intake as early as the preschool period. These individual differences in self-regulation are associated with differences in child-feeding practices and with children's adiposity. This suggests that child-feeding practices have the potential to affect children's energy balance via altering patterns of intake. Initial evidence indicates that imposition of stringent parental controls can potentiate preferences for high-fat, energy-dense foods, limit children's acceptance of a variety of foods, and disrupt children's regulation of energy intake by altering children's responsiveness to internal cues of hunger and satiety. This can occur when well-intended but concerned parents assume that children need help in determining what, when, and how much to eat and when parents impose child-feeding practices that provide children with few opportunities for self-control. Implications of these findings for preventive interventions are discussed.

Similarities and differences in affective and cognitive origins of food likings and dislikes

In a field study, 355 French-Canadian adults (Caucasians; 119 men, 236 women; average age of 40) freely stated the food item they liked and disliked the most, the reasons for their attitude and the context of their last consumption of these two food items. Content analysis revealed that the origins of food likes and dislikes are at the same time very similar and very different. They are similar in terms of the overwhelming influence of affective factors, in particular sensory experience, in the formation of both positive and negative attitudes toward food. Similarity between origins of food likes and dislikes in the same subjects is higher when they are from affective sources than when they are from cognitive sources. Food likes and dislikes are also similar in terms of the high salience of the social dimension in subjects' memories of consumption contexts. Results also show that food likes and dislikes also differ in many ways. Subjects can more easily elicit attitude bases and consumption contexts for food likes than they do for food dislikes. Beside taste as their common and most frequent base, results show that dislikes originate from more specific (e.g. texture, smell, appearance) and more intense sensory experiences than likes. Further, physiological consequences that contribute to food likes and dislikes are not the same: likes originate from positive nutritional value whereas dislikes follow from negative physiological responses, in particular nausea. Also, specific factors contribute uniquely to likes and dislikes. Functional aspects (e.g. flexibility, preparation) were the second most important reasons for food likes while having almost no influence on dislikes. In contrast, food symbolism was the third most important reason for food dislikes with almost no effect on food likes.

Magnesium, calcium and phosphorus contents in daily food rations in primary school children: questionnaire and analytic studies

Aims of the performed studies included working out a technique of determining representative rations on the basis of questionnaire studies on school children in Wielkopolska west region of Poland. The reconstructed representative daily food rations provided grounds for analytic studies. The studies were performed in the four seasons of the year. The studied food rations failed to cover the recommended daily intake of Mg and Ca. On the other hand, the daily intake of P transgressed the food norms. The inadequate Ca to Mg and Ca to P ratios were interpreted as deserving special concern when confronted with the market situation in Poland and as creating particular health hazards for the studied school children. The employed statistical analysis demonstrated that the suggested technique of determining representative rations may be employed in evaluation of Mg, Ca and P intake.