Illicit drugs in Central Asia: what we know, what we don’t know, and what we need to know

Managing drugs in the prisoner society: heroin and social order in Kyrgyzstan's prisons

Through the case study of Kyrgyzstan this paper argues that a rapidly increasing availability of drugs in prison is not necessarily deleterious to solidarity and inmate codes. Instead, the fragmentary effect of drugs depends on the forms of prisoner control over drug sale and use. In Kyrgyzstan, prisoners co-opted heroin and reorganized its distribution and consumption through non-market mechanisms. State provision of opioid maintenance therapy incentivized powerful prisoners to move to distributing heroin through a mutual aid fund and according to need. Collectivist prison accommodation, high levels of prisoner mobility and monitoring within and across prisons enabled prisoners to enforce informal bans on drug dealing and on gang formation outside of traditional hierarchies. We argue that in these conditions prisoners organized as consumption-oriented budgetary units rather than profit-driven gangs.

Decisional considerations for methadone uptake in Kyrgyz prisons: The importance of understanding context and providing accurate information

BACKGROUND

The Kyrgyz Republic (Kyrgyzstan) is one of few countries in Eastern Europe and Central Asia to provide methadone within its prisons, but uptake of this program has been suboptimal, in part because methadone uptake may have personal or social risks and consequences. Decision aids are evidence-based strategies that are designed to inform the patient's choice by objectively providing information that incorporates patient preferences.

METHODS

We conducted qualitative interviews in Kyrgyz and Russian with currently and formerly incarcerated people (n = 36) in Kyrgyzstan from October 2016 to September 2018. Interviews explored factors influencing methadone utilization in prisons. Transcripts were coded by five researchers using content analysis. A secondary thematic analysis was conducted to determine factors specific to initiation or continuation of methadone treatment in prisons.

RESULTS

We identified six interrelated themes affecting an individual's decision to initiate or continue methadone treatment: 1) informal prison governance (incarcerated people governing themselves); 2) informal prison economy; 3) perceived and objective benefits of methadone treatment; 4) perceived and objective side effects of methadone treatment; 5) distrust of formal prison administration (medical and correctional staff); and 6) desire for a "cure" from addiction.

CONCLUSION

Respondents' perceptions about benefits, side effects, and addiction as a curable disease are not consistent with the available evidence. An evidence-based, informed decision-making aid would need to address the six themes identified here, of which several are specific to the Kyrgyz prison context. Unlike decision aids elsewhere, the unique aspects of incarceration itself alongside the informal governance system strongly present within Kyrgyz prisons will need to be incorporated into decisional processes to promote HIV prevention and treatment in a region with high rates of HIV transmission and mortality.

Association of Violence Against Female Sex Workers Who Use Drugs With Nonfatal Drug Overdose in Kazakhstan

IMPORTANCE

Female sex workers (FSWs) who use drugs face increased risk of intimate partner violence (IPV) and nonpartner violence (NPV). The association between violence and drug overdose is unknown.

OBJECTIVE

To examine the association between IPV, NPV, and nonfatal drug overdose among FSWs who use drugs in Kazakhstan.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

This cross-sectional study included 400 adult FSWs in Kazakhstan who reported illicit drug use in the past year, exchanged sex for money or drugs, and reported having unprotected sex in the past 90 days. Baseline data were collected from February 2015 to May 2017 from Project Nova, an HIV prevention study among FSWs who use drugs in Kazakhstan. Data analysis was conducted from April 2019 to March 2020.

EXPOSURES

Lifetime and recent (past 90 day) experiences of physical, sexual, and psychological IPV and NPV using the Revised Conflict Tactics Scale. Subtypes of violence were identified using exploratory factor analysis.

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES

Lifetime and recent incidence of nonfatal overdose; sociodemographic characteristics as well as lifetime and recent sex work and drug use behaviors were also collected.

RESULTS

The 400 participants had a mean (SD) age of 34.1 (8.4) years. Most experienced food insecurity (358 [89.5%]) and homelessness (232 [58.0%]) in the past 90 days; one-third (130 [32.5%]) reported a history of incarceration. Most (359 [89.7%]) experienced some form of violence; 150 (37.5%) reported a lifetime nonfatal overdose, of whom 27 (18.0%) reported nonfatal overdose in the past 90 days. Lifetime severe physical violence (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.27; 95% CI, 1.02-1.59; P = .03), engagement in sex work for more than 10 years (aOR, 2.54; 95% CI, 1.50-4.28; P < .001), and a history of incarceration (aOR, 4.34; 95% CI, 2.58-7.32; P < .001) were associated with greater odds of nonfatal overdose. Engaging in sex work for more than 10 years (aOR, 3.97; 95% CI, 1.36-11.61; P = .01) and a history of incarceration (aOR, 3.63; 95% CI, 1.39-9.48; P = .008) were associated with greater odds of recent nonfatal overdose.

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

In this study, violence against FSWs who use drugs in Kazakhstan was associated with increased odds of nonfatal overdose. Harm reduction programs for women should consider including services to address gender-based violence and the needs of women after incarceration.

Differences by sex in associations between injection drug risks and drug crime conviction among people who inject drugs in Almaty, Kazakhstan

BACKGROUND

The criminalization of drug use leads to high rates of drug crime convictions for engaging in injection drug use behaviors, introducing barriers to HIV prevention and drug treatment for PWID. Females (FWID) face unique vulnerabilities to HIV compared to males (MWID) in Kazakhstan. This study examined sex differences in associations between HIV/HCV infection, HIV knowledge, injection drug risk behaviors, and conviction for a drug crime in a sample of people who inject drugs (PWID) in Almaty, Kazakhstan.

METHODS

Analyses were performed on baseline data from 510 PWID and stratified by males (MWID) (329) and females (FWID) (181) from Kazakhstan in a couples-focused HIV prevention intervention. Logistic regression analyses using mixed effects (AOR) examined associations between HIV/HCV infection, HIV knowledge, injection drug risk behaviors, drug use severity, drug treatment history and conviction for a drug crime.

RESULTS

About three quarters of PWID reported drug crime conviction (73.92%, n = 377). HCV infection was associated with increased odds of drug crime conviction for FWID (AOR = 4.35, CI95 = 1.83-10.31, p < .01) and MWID (AOR = 3.62, CI95 = 1.09-12.07, p < .01). HIV transmission knowledge was associated with increased odds of conviction for MWID (AOR = 1.19, CI95 = 1.00-1.41, p < .05). Injection drug risk knowledge was associated with lower odds of conviction (AOR = .75, CI95 = .59-.94, p < .05) for FWID. Receptive syringe sharing (AOR = 3.48, CI95 = 1.65-7.31, p < .01), splitting drug solutions (AOR = 4.12, CI95 = 1.86-7.31, p < .05), and injecting with more than two partners (AOR = 1.89, CI95 = 1.06-3.34, p < .05) was associated with increased odds of conviction for FWID. Receptive syringe or equipment sharing with intimate partners was associated with conviction for both MWID (AOR = 1.90, CI95 = 1.03-3.92, p < .05) and FWID (AOR = 1.95, CI95 = 1.02-3.70, p < .05). For FWID, injection drug use in public spaces was associated with conviction (AORME = 3.25, CI95 = 1.31-7.39, p < .01). Drug use severity was associated with increased odds of conviction for FWID (AOR = 1.29, CI95 = 1.09-1.53, p < .001) and MWID (AOR = 1.24, CI95 = 1.09-1.41, p < .001). Ever receiving drug treatment was associated with conviction for MWID (AOR = 2.31, CI95 = 1.32-4.12, p < .01).

CONCLUSION

High-risk behaviors, HCV infection and more severe substance use disorders are associated with drug crime conviction for PWID, particularly FWID. Structural interventions are necessary to increase the engagement of PWID with drug crime convictions in HIV prevention and substance abuse treatment.

The perfect storm: incarceration and the high-risk environment perpetuating transmission of HIV, hepatitis C virus, and tuberculosis in Eastern Europe and Central Asia

Despite global reductions in HIV incidence and mortality, the 15 UNAIDS-designated countries of Eastern Europe and Central Asia (EECA) that gained independence from the Soviet Union in 1991 constitute the only region where both continue to rise. HIV transmission in EECA is fuelled primarily by injection of opioids, with harsh criminalisation of drug use that has resulted in extraordinarily high levels of incarceration. Consequently, people who inject drugs, including those with HIV, hepatitis C virus, and tuberculosis, are concentrated within prisons. Evidence-based primary and secondary prevention of HIV using opioid agonist therapies such as methadone and buprenorphine is available in prisons in only a handful of EECA countries (methadone or buprenorphine in five countries and needle and syringe programmes in three countries), with none of them meeting recommended coverage levels. Similarly, antiretroviral therapy coverage, especially among people who inject drugs, is markedly under-scaled. Russia completely bans opioid agonist therapies and does not support needle and syringe programmes-with neither available in prisons-despite the country's high incarceration rate and having the largest burden of people with HIV who inject drugs in the region. Mathematical modelling for Ukraine suggests that high levels of incarceration in EECA countries facilitate HIV transmission among people who inject drugs, with 28-55% of all new HIV infections over the next 15 years predicted to be attributable to heightened HIV transmission risk among currently or previously incarcerated people who inject drugs. Scaling up of opioid agonist therapies within prisons and maintaining treatment after release would yield the greatest HIV transmission reduction in people who inject drugs. Additional analyses also suggest that at least 6% of all incident tuberculosis cases, and 75% of incident tuberculosis cases in people who inject drugs are due to incarceration. Interventions that reduce incarceration itself and effectively intervene with prisoners to screen, diagnose, and treat addiction and HIV, hepatitis C virus, and tuberculosis are urgently needed to stem the multiple overlapping epidemics concentrated in prisons.

Public health and international drug policy

In September 2015, the member states of the United Nations endorsed sustainable development goals (SDG) for 2030 that aspire to human rights-centered approaches to ensuring the health and well-being of all people. The SDGs embody both the UN Charter values of rights and justice for all and the responsibility of states to rely on the best scientific evidence as they seek to better humankind. In April 2016, these same states will consider control of illicit drugs, an area of social policy that has been fraught with controversy, seen as inconsistent with human rights norms, and for which scientific evidence and public health approaches have arguably played too limited a role.

The previous UN General Assembly Special Session (UNGASS) on drugs in 1998 – convened under the theme “a drug-free world, we can do it!” – endorsed drug control policies based on the goal of prohibiting all use, possession, production, and trafficking of illicit drugs. This goal is enshrined in national law in many countries. In pronouncing drugs a “grave threat to the health and well-being of all mankind,” the 1998 UNGASS echoed the foundational 1961 convention of the international drug control regime, which justified eliminating the “evil” of drugs in the name of “the health and welfare of mankind.” But neither of these international agreements refers to the ways in which pursuing drug prohibition itself might affect public health. The “war on drugs” and “zero-tolerance” policies that grew out of the prohibitionist consensus are now being challenged on multiple fronts, including their health, human rights, and development impact.

The Johns Hopkins – Lancet Commission on Drug Policy and Health has sought to examine the emerging scientific evidence on public health issues arising from drug control policy and to inform and encourage a central focus on public health evidence and outcomes in drug policy debates, such as the important deliberations of the 2016 UNGASS on drugs.

The Johns Hopkins-Lancet Commission is concerned that drug policies are often colored by ideas about drug use and drug dependence that are not scientifically grounded. The 1998 UNGASS declaration, for example, like the UN drug conventions and many national drug laws, does not distinguish between drug use and drug abuse. A 2015 report by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, by contrast, found it important to emphasize that “[d]rug use is neither a medical condition nor does it necessarily lead to drug dependence.” The idea that all drug use is dangerous and evil has led to enforcement-heavy policies and has made it difficult to see potentially dangerous drugs in the same light as potentially dangerous foods, tobacco, alcohol for which the goal of social policy is to reduce potential harms.