The balance between memory and unification in semantics: A dynamic account of the N400

On the biphasic nature of the N400-P600 complex underlying language comprehension

The ERP literature on language comprehension reveals variability in observing monophasic N400 versus biphasic N400-P600 effects in response to incongruent input, with the reasons for this inconsistency remaining unclear. Two interrelated factors may contribute: spatiotemporal overlap between the N400 and P600, where a strong N400-effect can obscure the P600, and the P600's sensitivity to depth of processing, as determined by the experimental setting. Building on previous findings reporting monophasic N400-effects with plausibility judgments, we investigated whether comprehension questions, encouraging more natural reading and deeper processing of the full content, would elicit a biphasic effect, suggesting reduced component overlap in such settings. Using a design fully crossing lexical association and plausibility, we found that the N400 is modulated by association and the P600 by plausibility. Crucially, a biphasic pattern emerged for implausible and unrelated words, suggesting a mitigation of component overlap compared to previous studies employing plausibility judgments. We interpret the results in light of current accounts of the N400 and P600, arguing that the empirical evidence strongly supports single-stream over multi-stream models. Importantly, our findings highlight the critical role of both component overlap and task demands in shaping the data that inform the development and evaluation of theoretical models.

Individual differences in subcomponents of the N400: Comprehension ability predicts contextual support effects while spelling ability predicts orthographic anomaly effects

The N400 ERP component has been characterized as a response reflecting binding of semantic memory states to create a "multimodal conceptual representation" (Kutas & Federmeier, 2011). An assumption of this characterization is that the measured response itself reflects the synchronization of various neural processes required for language comprehension. Less is known, however, about how these processes vary across individuals and how specific language skills may modulate particular underlying subcomponents of the N400. In the current study, we measured the N400 response to words that were (1) unexpected (i.e., low cloze in low constraint) or (2) orthographically related (OR) anomalies compared with expected words (i.e., high cloze in high constraint), and we investigated how these effects were related to participants' reading comprehension ability, vocabulary, and spelling ability. We found that contextual support N400 effects were larger for individuals with superior reading comprehension skills, whereas OR anomaly N400 effects were larger for individuals with superior spelling ability. These findings support the characterization of the N400 as a composite of various comprehension-related neural processes. The current study demonstrates that individual differentiation in the strength of these skills is differentially associated with the N400 subcomponents related to contextual facilitation and orthographic processing. Reading comprehension ability is associated with stronger contextual support effects, which may reflect more effective use of contextual support in facilitating semantic retrieval. Spelling skill is more strongly associated with OR anomaly effects (in contexts supporting an orthographic neighbor of the presented anomalous word), which may reflect more precise word identification.

Neurophysiological measures of covert semantic processing in neurotypical adolescents actively ignoring spoken sentence inputs: A high-density event-related potential (ERP) study

Language comprehension requires semantic processing of individual words and their context within a sentence. Well-characterized event-related potential (ERP) components (the N400 and late positivity component (LPC/P600)) provide neuromarkers of semantic processing, and are robustly evoked when semantic errors are introduced into sentences. These measures are useful for evaluating semantic processing in clinical populations, but it is not known whether they can be evoked in more severe neurodevelopmental disorders where explicit attention to the sentence inputs cannot be objectively assessed (i.e., when sentences are passively listened to). We evaluated whether N400 and LPC/P600 could be detected in adolescents who were explicitly ignoring sentence inputs. Specifically, it was asked whether explicit attention to spoken inputs was required for semantic processing, or if a degree of automatic processing occurs when the focus of attention is directed elsewhere? High-density ERPs were acquired from twenty-two adolescents (12-17 years), under two experimental conditions: 1. individuals actively determined whether the final word in a sentence was congruent or incongruent with sentence context, or 2. passively listened to background sentences while watching a video. When sentences were ignored, N400 and LPC/P600 were robustly evoked to semantic errors, albeit with reduced amplitudes and protracted/delayed latencies. Statistically distinct topographic distributions during passive versus active paradigms pointed to distinct generator configurations for semantic processing as a function of attention. Covert semantic processing continues in neurotypical adolescents when explicit attention is withdrawn from sentence inputs. As such, this approach could be used to objectively investigate semantic processing in populations with communication deficits.

Connectivity of Fronto-Temporal Regions in Syntactic Structure Building During Speaking and Listening

The neural infrastructure for sentence production and comprehension has been found to be mostly shared. The same regions are engaged during speaking and listening, with some differences in how strongly they activate depending on modality. In this study, we investigated how modality affects the connectivity between regions previously found to be involved in syntactic processing across modalities. We determined how constituent size and modality affected the connectivity of the pars triangularis of the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and of the left posterior temporal lobe (LPTL) with the pars opercularis of the LIFG, the left anterior temporal lobe (LATL), and the rest of the brain. We found that constituent size reliably increased the connectivity across these frontal and temporal ROIs. Connectivity between the two LIFG regions and the LPTL was enhanced as a function of constituent size in both modalities, and it was upregulated in production possibly because of linearization and motor planning in the frontal cortex. The connectivity of both ROIs with the LATL was lower and only enhanced for larger constituent sizes, suggesting a contributing role of the LATL in sentence processing in both modalities. These results thus show that the connectivity among fronto-temporal regions is upregulated for syntactic structure building in both sentence production and comprehension, providing further evidence for accounts of shared neural resources for sentence-level processing across modalities.

The child the apple eats: processing of argument structure in Mandarin verb-final sentences

Mandarin Chinese is typologically unusual among the world's languages in having flexible word order despite a near absence of inflectional morphology. These features of Mandarin challenge conventional linguistic notions such as subject and object and the divide between syntax and semantics. In the present study, we tested monolingual processing of argument structure in Mandarin verb-final sentences, where word order alone is not a reliable cue. We collected participants' responses to a forced agent-assignment task while measuring their electroencephalography data to capture real-time processing throughout each sentence. We found that sentence interpretation was not informed by word order in the absence of other cues, and while the coverbs BA and BEI were strong signals for agent selection, comprehension was a result of multiple cues. These results challenge previous reports of a linear ranking of cue strength. Event-related potentials showed that BA and BEI impacted participants' processing even before the verb was read and that role reversal anomalies elicited an N400 effect without a subsequent semantic P600. This study demonstrates that Mandarin sentence comprehension requires online interaction among cues in a language-specific manner, consistent with models that predict crosslinguistic differences in core sentence processing mechanisms.

Lexical cues and discourse integration: An ERP study of the N400 and P600 components

In a sentence reading ERP study in Swedish we investigated the roles of the N400 and P600 components. By manipulating ease of lexical retrieval and discourse integration of the critical words in four conditions (contextually primed/non-primed and degree of contextual fit), we explored these components from a sentence processing perspective. The results indicate that the N400 indexes lexical retrieval and access of stored conceptual knowledge, whereas the P600 component indexes pragmatic processes, such as integration of a word into the discourse context, or the information structural status of the word. The results support single-stream models of sentence processing where lexical retrieval and integration do not take place in parallel, as in multi-stream models.

Distributed Sensitivity to Syntax and Semantics throughout the Language Network

Human language is expressive because it is compositional: The meaning of a sentence (semantics) can be inferred from its structure (syntax). It is commonly believed that language syntax and semantics are processed by distinct brain regions. Here, we revisit this claim using precision fMRI methods to capture separation or overlap of function in the brains of individual participants. Contrary to prior claims, we find distributed sensitivity to both syntax and semantics throughout a broad frontotemporal brain network. Our results join a growing body of evidence for an integrated network for language in the human brain within which internal specialization is primarily a matter of degree rather than kind, in contrast with influential proposals that advocate distinct specialization of different brain areas for different types of linguistic functions.

A predictive coding model of the N400

The N400 event-related component has been widely used to investigate the neural mechanisms underlying real-time language comprehension. However, despite decades of research, there is still no unifying theory that can explain both its temporal dynamics and functional properties. In this work, we show that predictive coding - a biologically plausible algorithm for approximating Bayesian inference - offers a promising framework for characterizing the N400. Using an implemented predictive coding computational model, we demonstrate how the N400 can be formalized as the lexico-semantic prediction error produced as the brain infers meaning from the linguistic form of incoming words. We show that the magnitude of lexico-semantic prediction error mirrors the functional sensitivity of the N400 to various lexical variables, priming, contextual effects, as well as their higher-order interactions. We further show that the dynamics of the predictive coding algorithm provides a natural explanation for the temporal dynamics of the N400, and a biologically plausible link to neural activity. Together, these findings directly situate the N400 within the broader context of predictive coding research. More generally, they raise the possibility that the brain may use the same computational mechanism for inference across linguistic and non-linguistic domains.

The language network as a natural kind within the broader landscape of the human brain

Language behaviour is complex, but neuroscientific evidence disentangles it into distinct components supported by dedicated brain areas or networks. In this Review, we describe the 'core' language network, which includes left-hemisphere frontal and temporal areas, and show that it is strongly interconnected, independent of input and output modalities, causally important for language and language-selective. We discuss evidence that this language network plausibly stores language knowledge and supports core linguistic computations related to accessing words and constructions from memory and combining them to interpret (decode) or generate (encode) linguistic messages. We emphasize that the language network works closely with, but is distinct from, both lower-level - perceptual and motor - mechanisms and higher-level systems of knowledge and reasoning. The perceptual and motor mechanisms process linguistic signals, but, in contrast to the language network, are sensitive only to these signals' surface properties, not their meanings; the systems of knowledge and reasoning (such as the system that supports social reasoning) are sometimes engaged during language use but are not language-selective. This Review lays a foundation both for in-depth investigations of these different components of the language processing pipeline and for probing inter-component interactions.

A neuro-cognitive model of comprehension based on prediction and unification

Most architectures and models of language processing have been built upon a restricted view of language, which is limited to sentence processing. These approaches fail to capture one primordial characteristic: efficiency. Many facilitation effects are known to be at play in natural situations such as conversation (shallow processing, no real access to the lexicon, etc.) without any impact on the comprehension. In this study, on the basis of a new model integrating into a unique architecture, we present these facilitation effects for accessing the meaning into the classical compositional architecture. This model relies on two mechanisms, prediction and unification, and provides a unique architecture for the description of language processing in its natural environment.

High-level language brain regions process sublexical regularities

A network of left frontal and temporal brain regions supports language processing. This "core" language network stores our knowledge of words and constructions as well as constraints on how those combine to form sentences. However, our linguistic knowledge additionally includes information about phonemes and how they combine to form phonemic clusters, syllables, and words. Are phoneme combinatorics also represented in these language regions? Across five functional magnetic resonance imaging experiments, we investigated the sensitivity of high-level language processing brain regions to sublexical linguistic regularities by examining responses to diverse nonwords-sequences of phonemes that do not constitute real words (e.g. punes, silory, flope). We establish robust responses in the language network to visually (experiment 1a, n = 605) and auditorily (experiments 1b, n = 12, and 1c, n = 13) presented nonwords. In experiment 2 (n = 16), we find stronger responses to nonwords that are more well-formed, i.e. obey the phoneme-combinatorial constraints of English. Finally, in experiment 3 (n = 14), we provide suggestive evidence that the responses in experiments 1 and 2 are not due to the activation of real words that share some phonology with the nonwords. The results suggest that sublexical regularities are stored and processed within the same fronto-temporal network that supports lexical and syntactic processes.

Insights from simultaneous EEG-fMRI and patient data illuminate the role of the anterior medial temporal lobe in N400 generation

The N400, a negative event-related potential (ERP) peaking approximately 400 ms after stimulus onset, is known to reflect the processing of semantic information. While scalp recordings have contributed to understanding the psychological processes underlying the N400, they have been limited in identifying its neural basis. However, recent intracranial ERP recordings and fMRI studies have shed light on the crucial role of the anterior medial temporal lobe (AMTL) in semantic information processing. These findings suggest that the N400 partially represents activity in the AMTL structures. To investigate the neural underpinnings of the N400 effect, we simultaneously recorded ERPs and event-related fMRI during a semantic priming paradigm in a sample of 12 young, healthy subjects. Additionally, we collected ERPs and structural brain data from older healthy adults and patients with amnestic mild cognitive impairment (aMCI), a population characterized by neurodegenerative changes in the AMTL. In our fMRI results, we identified bilateral loci in the AMTL as the global maxima. Employing an EEG-informed fMRI analysis, we explored trial-to-trial fluctuations in semantic processing by linking single-trial N400 amplitudes to the Blood Oxygen Level Dependent (BOLD) signal. This approach provided the first direct evidence linking the N400 recorded at the scalp level to the corresponding BOLD signal in the AMTL. Consistent with these findings, patients with aMCI exhibited a diminished N400 effect compared to healthy older adults. Furthermore, voxel-based morphometry analysis revealed a correlation between the magnitude of the N400 effect and the integrity of the AMTL. By integrating data from simultaneous EEG-fMRI, and patient studies, our research advances our understanding of the neural substrate of the N400 and highlights the critical involvement of the AMTL in semantic processing.

Conditionals in context: Brain signatures of prediction in discourse processing

Comprehenders are known to generate expectations about upcoming linguistic input at the sentence and discourse level. However, most previous studies on prediction focused mainly on word-induced brain activity rather than examining neural activity preceding a critical stimulus in discourse processing, where prediction actually takes place. In this EEG study, participants were presented with multiple sentences resembling a discourse including conditional sentences with either only if or if, which are characterized by different semantics, triggering stronger or weaker predictions about the possible continuation of the presented discourses, respectively. Results revealed that discourses including only if, as compared to discourses with bare if, triggered an increased predictive neural activity before the expected critical word, resembling the readiness potential. Moreover, word-induced P300 brain responses were found to be enhanced by unpredictable discourse continuations and reduced in predictable discourse continuations. Intriguingly, brain responses preceding and following the critical word were found to be correlated, which yields evidence for predictive activity modulating word-induced processing on the discourse level. These findings shed light on the predictive nature of neural processes at the discourse level, critically advancing our understanding of the functional interconnection between discourse understanding and prediction processes in brain and mind.

Combining EEG and 3D-eye-tracking to study the prediction of upcoming speech in naturalistic virtual environments: A proof of principle

EEG and eye-tracking provide complementary information when investigating language comprehension. Evidence that speech processing may be facilitated by speech prediction comes from the observation that a listener's eye gaze moves towards a referent before it is mentioned if the remainder of the spoken sentence is predictable. However, changes to the trajectory of anticipatory fixations could result from a change in prediction or an attention shift. Conversely, N400 amplitudes and concurrent spectral power provide information about the ease of word processing the moment the word is perceived. In a proof-of-principle investigation, we combined EEG and eye-tracking to study linguistic prediction in naturalistic, virtual environments. We observed increased processing, reflected in theta band power, either during verb processing - when the verb was predictive of the noun - or during noun processing - when the verb was not predictive of the noun. Alpha power was higher in response to the predictive verb and unpredictable nouns. We replicated typical effects of noun congruence but not predictability on the N400 in response to the noun. Thus, the rich visual context that accompanied speech in virtual reality influenced language processing compared to previous reports, where the visual context may have facilitated processing of unpredictable nouns. Finally, anticipatory fixations were predictive of spectral power during noun processing and the length of time fixating the target could be predicted by spectral power at verb onset, conditional on the object having been fixated. Overall, we show that combining EEG and eye-tracking provides a promising new method to answer novel research questions about the prediction of upcoming linguistic input, for example, regarding the role of extralinguistic cues in prediction during language comprehension.

Causal evidence for a coordinated temporal interplay within the language network

Recent neurobiological models on language suggest that auditory sentence comprehension is supported by a coordinated temporal interplay within a left-dominant brain network, including the posterior inferior frontal gyrus (pIFG), posterior superior temporal gyrus and sulcus (pSTG/STS), and angular gyrus (AG). Here, we probed the timing and causal relevance of the interplay between these regions by means of concurrent transcranial magnetic stimulation and electroencephalography (TMS-EEG). Our TMS-EEG experiments reveal region- and time-specific causal evidence for a bidirectional information flow from left pSTG/STS to left pIFG and back during auditory sentence processing. Adapting a condition-and-perturb approach, our findings further suggest that the left pSTG/STS can be supported by the left AG in a state-dependent manner.

Neural correlates of pronoun processing: An activation likelihood estimation meta-analysis

Pronouns are unique linguistic devices that allow for the expression of referential relationships. Despite their communicative utility, the neural correlates of the operations involved in reference assignment and/or resolution, are not well-understood. The present study synthesized the neuroimaging literature on pronoun processing to test extant theories of pronoun comprehension. Following the PRISMA guidelines and thebest-practice recommendations for neuroimaging meta-analyses, a systematic literature search and record assessment were performed. As a result, 16 fMRI studies were included in the meta-analysis, and were coded in Scribe 3.6 for inclusion in the BrainMap database. The activation coordinates for the contrasts of interest were transformed into Talairach space and submitted to an Activation Likelihood Estimation (ALE) meta-analysis in GingerALE 3.0.1. The results indicated that pronoun processing had functional convergence in the left posterior middle and superior temporal gyri, potentially reflecting the retrieval, prediction and integration roles of these areas for pronoun processing.

The modulating effect of musical expertise on lexical-semantic prediction in speech-in-noise comprehension: Evidence from an EEG study

Musical expertise has been proposed to facilitate speech perception and comprehension in noisy environments. This study further examined the open question of whether musical expertise modulates high-level lexical-semantic prediction to aid online speech comprehension in noisy backgrounds. Musicians and nonmusicians listened to semantically strongly/weakly constraining sentences during EEG recording. At verbs prior to target nouns, both groups showed a positivity-ERP effect (Strong vs. Weak) associated with the predictability of incoming nouns; this correlation effect was stronger in musicians than in nonmusicians. After the target nouns appeared, both groups showed an N400 reduction effect (Strong vs. Weak) associated with noun predictability, but musicians exhibited an earlier onset latency and stronger effect size of this correlation effect than nonmusicians. To determine whether musical expertise enhances anticipatory semantic processing in general, the same group of participants participated in a control reading comprehension experiment. The results showed that, compared with nonmusicians, musicians demonstrated more delayed ERP correlation effects of noun predictability at words preceding the target nouns; musicians also exhibited more delayed and reduced N400 decrease effects correlated with noun predictability at the target nouns. Taken together, these results suggest that musical expertise enhances lexical-semantic predictive processing in speech-in-noise comprehension. This musical-expertise effect may be related to the strengthened hierarchical speech processing in particular.

Electrophysiological correlates of basic semantic composition in people with aphasia

The neuroanatomical correlates of basic semantic composition have been investigated in previous neuroimaging and lesion studies, but research on the electrophysiology of the involved processes is scarce. A large literature on sentence-level event-related potentials (ERPs) during semantic processing has identified at least two relevant components - the N400 and the P600. Other studies demonstrated that these components are reduced and/or delayed in people with aphasia (PWA). However, it remains to be shown if these findings generalize beyond the sentence level. Specifically, it is an open question if an alteration in ERP responses in PWA can also be observed during basic semantic composition, providing a potential future diagnostic tool. The present study aimed to elucidate the electrophysiological dynamics of basic semantic composition in a group of post-stroke PWA. We included 20 PWA and 20 age-matched controls (mean age 58 years) and measured ERP responses while they performed a plausibility judgment task on two-word phrases that were either meaningful ("anxious horse"), anomalous ("anxious wood") or had the noun replaced by a pseudoword ("anxious gufel"). The N400 effect for anomalous versus meaningful phrases was similar in both groups. In contrast, unlike the control group, PWA did not show an N400 effect between pseudoword and meaningful phrases. Moreover, both groups exhibited a parietal P600 effect towards pseudoword phrases, while PWA showed an additional P600 over frontal electrodes. Finally, PWA showed an inverse correlation between the magnitude of the N400 and P600 effects: PWA exhibiting no or even reversed N400 effects towards anomalous and pseudoword phrases showed a stronger P600 effect. These results may reflect a compensatory mechanism which allows PWA to arrive at the correct interpretation of the phrase. When compositional processing capacities are impaired in the early N400 time-window, PWA may make use of a more elaborate re-analysis process reflected in the P600.

The P600 as a continuous index of integration effort

The integration of word meaning into an unfolding utterance representation is a core operation of incremental language comprehension. There is considerable debate, however, as to which component of the ERP signal-the N400 or the P600-directly reflects integrative processes, with far reaching consequences for the temporal organization and architecture of the comprehension system. Multi-stream models maintaining the N400 as integration crucially rely on the presence of a semantically attractive plausible alternative interpretation to account for the absence of an N400 effect in response to certain semantic anomalies, as reported in previous studies. The single-stream Retrieval-Integration account posits the P600 as an index of integration, further predicting that its amplitude varies continuously with integrative effort. Here, we directly test these competing hypotheses using a context manipulation design in which a semantically attractive alternative is either available or not, and target word plausibility is varied across three levels. An initial self-paced reading study revealed graded reading times for plausibility, suggesting differential integration effort. A subsequent ERP study showed no N400 differences across conditions, and that P600 amplitude is graded for plausibility. These findings are inconsistent with the interpretation of the N400 as an index of integration, as no N400 effect emerged even in the absence of a semantically attractive alternative. By contrast, the link between plausibility, reading times, and P600 amplitude supports the view that the P600 is a continuous index of integration effort. More generally, our results support a single-stream architecture and eschew the need for multi-stream accounts.

Electrophysiological connectivity of logical deduction: Early cortical MEG study

Complex human reasoning involves minimal abilities to extract conclusions implied in the available information. These abilities are considered "deductive" because they exemplify certain abstract relations among propositions or probabilities called deductive arguments. However, the electrophysiological dynamics which supports such complex cognitive processes has not been addressed yet. In this work we consider typically deductive logico-probabilistically valid inferences and aim to verify or refute their electrophysiological functional connectivity differences from invalid inferences with the same content (same relational variables, same stimuli, same relevant and salient features). We recorded the brain electrophysiological activity of 20 participants (age = 20.35 ± 3.23) by means of an MEG system during two consecutive reasoning tasks: a search task (invalid condition) without any specific deductive rules to follow, and a logically valid deductive task (valid condition) with explicit deductive rules as instructions. We calculated the functional connectivity (FC) for each condition and conducted a seed-based analysis in a set of cortical regions of interest. Finally, we used a cluster-based permutation test to compare the differences between logically valid and invalid conditions in terms of FC. As a first novel result we found higher FC for valid condition in beta band between regions of interest and left prefrontal, temporal, parietal, and cingulate structures. FC analysis allows a second novel result which is the definition of a propositional network with operculo-cingular, parietal and medial nodes, specifically including disputed medial deductive "core" areas. The experiment discloses measurable cortical processes which do not depend on content but on truth-functional propositional operators. These experimental novelties may contribute to understand the cortical bases of deductive processes.

ERP evidence for emotion-specific congruency effects between sentences and new words with disgust and sadness connotations

Introduction

The present study investigated how new words with acquired connotations of disgust and sadness, both negatively valenced but distinctive emotions, modulate the brain dynamics in the context of emotional sentences.

Methods

Participants completed a learning session in which pseudowords were repeatedly paired with faces expressing disgust and sadness. An event-related potential (ERP) session followed the next day, in which participants received the learned pseudowords (herein, new words) combined with sentences and were asked to make emotional congruency judgment.

Results

Sad new words elicited larger negative waveform than disgusting new words in the 146-228 ms time window, and emotionally congruent trials showed larger positive waveform than emotionally incongruent trials in the 304-462 ms time window. Moreover, the source localization in the latter suggested that congruent trials elicited larger current densities than incongruent trials in a number of emotion-related brain structures (e.g., the orbitofrontal cortex and cingulate gyrus) and language-related brain structures (e.g., the temporal lobe and the lingual gyrus).

Discussion

These results suggested that faces are an effective source for the acquisition of words' emotional connotations, and such acquired connotations can generate semantic and emotional congruency effects in sentential contexts.

Neural Indicators of Visual Andauditory Recognition of Imitative Words on Different De-Iconization Stages

The research aims to reveal neural indicators of recognition for iconic words and the possible cross-modal multisensory integration behind this process. The goals of this research are twofold: (1) to register event-related potentials (ERP) in the brain in the process of visual and auditory recognition of Russian imitative words on different de-iconization stages; and (2) to establish whether differences in the brain activity arise while processing visual and auditory stimuli of different nature. Sound imitative (onomatopoeic, mimetic, and ideophonic) words are words with iconic correlation between form and meaning (iconicity being a relationship of resemblance). Russian adult participants (n = 110) were presented with 15 stimuli both visually and auditorily. The stimuli material was equally distributed into three groups according to the criterion of (historical) iconicity loss: five explicit sound imitative (SI) words, five implicit SI words and five non-SI words. It was established that there was no statistically significant difference between visually presented explicit or implicit SI words and non-SI words respectively. However, statistically significant differences were registered for auditorily presented explicit SI words in contrast to implicit SI words in the N400 ERP component, as well as implicit SI words in contrast to non-SI words in the P300 ERP component. We thoroughly analyzed the integrative brain activity in response to explicit IS words and compared it to that in response to implicit SI and non-SI words presented auditorily. The data yielded by this analysis showed the N400 ERP component was more prominent during the recognition process of the explicit SI words received from the central channels (specifically Cz). We assume that these results indicate a specific brain response associated with directed attention in the process of performing cognitive decision making tasks regarding explicit and implicit SI words presented auditorily. This may reflect a higher level of cognitive complexity in identifying this type of stimuli considering the experimental task challenges that may involve cross-modal integration process.

Predictive coding across the left fronto-temporal hierarchy during language comprehension

We used magnetoencephalography (MEG) and event-related potentials (ERPs) to track the time-course and localization of evoked activity produced by expected, unexpected plausible, and implausible words during incremental language comprehension. We suggest that the full pattern of results can be explained within a hierarchical predictive coding framework in which increased evoked activity reflects the activation of residual information that was not already represented at a given level of the fronto-temporal hierarchy ("error" activity). Between 300 and 500 ms, the three conditions produced progressively larger responses within left temporal cortex (lexico-semantic prediction error), whereas implausible inputs produced a selectively enhanced response within inferior frontal cortex (prediction error at the level of the event model). Between 600 and 1,000 ms, unexpected plausible words activated left inferior frontal and middle temporal cortices (feedback activity that produced top-down error), whereas highly implausible inputs activated left inferior frontal cortex, posterior fusiform (unsuppressed orthographic prediction error/reprocessing), and medial temporal cortex (possibly supporting new learning). Therefore, predictive coding may provide a unifying theory that links language comprehension to other domains of cognition.

Making and revising predictive inferences during Chinese narrative text reading: Evidence from an electrophysiological study

The current study employed the event-related potential (ERP) technique to investigate predictive inference revision during Chinese narrative text reading among Chinese native speakers. Experiment 1 studied predictive inference revision by ensuring high contextual constraints for activation of the primary predictive inferences. Experiment 2 inspected the effects of the weaker inference alternatives on the revision process. Longer reading time and less positive mean average amplitude with two subcomponents of P300 (P3a and P3b) in the revise condition suggest that readers could detect inconsistent information and disconfirm the incorrect predictive inferences. However, they have difficulties in either integrating the alternative predictive inferences (N400) or revising the incorrect ones (P600), especially when the alternatives are of weaker activation levels. This study supports the Knowledge Revision Components (KReC) framework by verifying remaining activation of the disconfirmed primary inferences and extends it by considering effects of competitive alternatives on the predictive inference revision process.

Is the Mind Inherently Predicting? Exploring Forward and Backward Looking in Language Processing

Prediction is one characteristic of the human mind. But what does it mean to say the mind is a "prediction machine" and inherently forward looking as is frequently claimed? In natural languages, many contexts are not easily predictable in a forward fashion. In English, for example, many frequent verbs do not carry unique meaning on their own but instead, rely on another word or words that follow them to become meaningful. Upon reading take a the processor often cannot easily predict walk as the next word. But the system can "look back" and integrate walk more easily when it follows take a (e.g., as opposed to *make|get|have a walk). In the present paper, we provide further evidence for the importance of both forward and backward-looking in language processing. In two self-paced reading tasks and an eye-tracking reading task, we found evidence that adult English native speakers' sensitivity to word forward and backward conditional probability significantly predicted reading times over and above psycholinguistic predictors of reading latencies. We conclude that both forward and backward-looking (prediction and integration) appear to be important characteristics of language processing. Our results thus suggest that it makes just as much sense to call the mind an "integration machine" which is inherently backward 'looking.'

Supramodal Sentence Processing in the Human Brain: fMRI Evidence for the Influence of Syntactic Complexity in More Than 200 Participants

This study investigated two questions. One is: To what degree is sentence processing beyond single words independent of the input modality (speech vs. reading)? The second question is: Which parts of the network recruited by both modalities is sensitive to syntactic complexity? These questions were investigated by having more than 200 participants read or listen to well-formed sentences or series of unconnected words. A largely left-hemisphere frontotemporoparietal network was found to be supramodal in nature, i.e., independent of input modality. In addition, the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and the left posterior middle temporal gyrus (LpMTG) were most clearly associated with left-branching complexity. The left anterior temporal lobe showed the greatest sensitivity to sentences that differed in right-branching complexity. Moreover, activity in LIFG and LpMTG increased from sentence onset to end, in parallel with an increase of the left-branching complexity. While LIFG, bilateral anterior temporal lobe, posterior MTG, and left inferior parietal lobe all contribute to the supramodal unification processes, the results suggest that these regions differ in their respective contributions to syntactic complexity related processing. The consequences of these findings for neurobiological models of language processing are discussed.

Theta activity in semantic priming under visual crowding as revealed by magnetoencephalography

Crowding refers to impaired object recognition of peripheral visual targets caused by nearby flankers. It has been shown that the response to a word was faster when it was preceded by a semantically related than unrelated crowded prime, demonstrating that semantic priming survives crowding. This study examines neural correlates of semantic priming under visual crowding using magnetoencephalography with four conditions: prime (isolated, crowded) x prime-target relationship (related, unrelated). Participants judged whether the target was a word or a nonword. We found significant differences in θ activity at the left inferior frontal gyrus (IFG) for both isolated and crowded primes when comparing the unrelated and related conditions, although the activation was delayed with the crowded prime compared to the isolated prime. The locations within the IFG were also different: theta-band activation was at BA 45 in the isolated condition and at BA 47 in the crowded condition. Phase-locking-value analysis revealed that bilateral IFG was more synchronized with unrelated prime-target pairs than related pairs regardless of whether the primes were isolated or crowded, indicating the recruitment of the right hemisphere when the prime-target semantic relationship was remote. Finally, the distinct waveform patterns found in the isolated and crowded conditions from both the source localization and PLV analysis suggest different neural mechanisms for processing semantic information with isolated primes versus crowded primes.

Effects of Structure and Meaning on Cortical Tracking of Linguistic Units in Naturalistic Speech

Recent research has established that cortical activity "tracks" the presentation rate of syntactic phrases in continuous speech, even though phrases are abstract units that do not have direct correlates in the acoustic signal. We investigated whether cortical tracking of phrase structures is modulated by the extent to which these structures compositionally determine meaning. To this end, we recorded electroencephalography (EEG) of 38 native speakers who listened to naturally spoken Dutch stimuli in different conditions, which parametrically modulated the degree to which syntactic structure and lexical semantics determine sentence meaning. Tracking was quantified through mutual information between the EEG data and either the speech envelopes or abstract annotations of syntax, all of which were filtered in the frequency band corresponding to the presentation rate of phrases (1.1-2.1 Hz). Overall, these mutual information analyses showed stronger tracking of phrases in regular sentences than in stimuli whose lexical-syntactic content is reduced, but no consistent differences in tracking between sentences and stimuli that contain a combination of syntactic structure and lexical content. While there were no effects of compositional meaning on the degree of phrase-structure tracking, analyses of event-related potentials elicited by sentence-final words did reveal meaning-induced differences between conditions. Our findings suggest that cortical tracking of structure in sentences indexes the internal generation of this structure, a process that is modulated by the properties of its input, but not by the compositional interpretation of its output.

Minimal Phrase Composition Revealed by Intracranial Recordings

The ability to comprehend phrases is an essential integrative property of the brain. Here, we evaluate the neural processes that enable the transition from single-word processing to a minimal compositional scheme. Previous research has reported conflicting timing effects of composition, and disagreement persists with respect to inferior frontal and posterior temporal contributions. To address these issues, 19 patients (10 male, 9 female) implanted with penetrating depth or surface subdural intracranial electrodes, heard auditory recordings of adjective-noun, pseudoword-noun, and adjective-pseudoword phrases and judged whether the phrase matched a picture. Stimulus-dependent alterations in broadband gamma activity, low-frequency power, and phase-locking values across the language-dominant left hemisphere were derived. This revealed a mosaic located on the lower bank of the posterior superior temporal sulcus (pSTS), in which closely neighboring cortical sites displayed exclusive sensitivity to either lexicality or phrase structure, but not both. Distinct timings were found for effects of phrase composition (210-300 ms) and pseudoword processing (∼300-700 ms), and these were localized to neighboring electrodes in pSTS. The pars triangularis and temporal pole encoded anticipation of composition in broadband low frequencies, and both regions exhibited greater functional connectivity with pSTS during phrase composition. Our results suggest that the pSTS is a highly specialized region composed of sparsely interwoven heterogeneous constituents that encodes both lower and higher level linguistic features. This hub in pSTS for minimal phrase processing may form the neural basis for the human-specific computational capacity for forming hierarchically organized linguistic structures.SIGNIFICANCE STATEMENT Linguists have claimed that the integration of multiple words into a phrase demands a computational procedure distinct from single-word processing. Here, we provide intracranial recordings from a large patient cohort, with high spatiotemporal resolution, to track the cortical dynamics of phrase composition. Epileptic patients volunteered to participate in a task in which they listened to phrases (red boat), word-pseudoword or pseudoword-word pairs (e.g., red fulg). At the onset of the second word in phrases, greater broadband high gamma activity was found in posterior superior temporal sulcus in electrodes that exclusively indexed phrasal meaning and not lexical meaning. These results provide direct, high-resolution signatures of minimal phrase composition in humans, a potentially species-specific computational capacity.

EEG theta and N400 responses to congruent versus incongruent brand logos

Neuroimaging and behavioral studies have shown that brands convey meaning to consumers. To investigate the immediate reactions of the brain to brand logos, followed either by congruent or incongruent pictorial brand-related cues, can deepen understanding of the semantic processing of brands, and perhaps how consolidated the logo is in consumers’ minds. Participants were exposed to different brand-related image sets, that were either congruent (a match between brand-related images and brand logo) or incongruent (a mismatch between brand-related images and brand logo) while having their brain signals recorded. Event-related potential and EEG time–frequency domain features were extracted from the signals of the target image (brand logo). The results showed significantly larger N400 peak and relative theta power increase for incongruent compared to congruent logos, which could be attributed to an error-monitoring process. Thus, we argue that brands are encoded deeply in consumers’ minds, and cognitive processing of mismatched (vs matched) brand logos is more difficult, leading to greater error monitoring. The results were mostly consistent with previous studies investigating semantic incongruences in the linguistic field. Therefore, the error-monitoring process could be extended beyond linguistic forms, for example to images and brands.

Does the character-based dimension of stories impact narrative processing? An event-related potentials (ERPs) study

This event-related potentials (ERPs) study investigated online processes of integration of information relating to characters in narrative comprehension. The final sample included twenty-nine participants who read short third-person stories in which the plausibility of the characters' actions was manipulated. Stories were administered in three conditions: a character-based congruent condition including a target word that was consistent with the character's job; a character-based incongruent condition with a target word inconsistent with the character's job; a character-based neutral condition, narrating the action of a character presented by his/her proper name without information about his/her job. Results comparing the ERPs elicited by the experimental conditions revealed a greater negative amplitude of the N400 in the right temporal regions in response to the character-based incongruent compared to the character-based congruent narratives. This finding shows that implicit background character-based information affects the N400, with readers rapidly using this information to comprehend narratives.

How the healthy ageing brain supports semantic binding during language comprehension

Semantic binding refers to constructing complex meaning based on elementary building blocks. Using electroencephalography (EEG), we investigated the age-related changes in modulations of oscillatory brain activity supporting lexical retrieval and semantic binding. Young and older adult participants were visually presented two-word phrases, which for the first word revealed a lexical retrieval signature (e.g., swift vs. swrfeq) and for the second word revealed a semantic binding signature (e.g., horse in a semantic binding "swift horse" vs. no binding "swrfeq horse" context). The oscillatory brain activity associated with lexical retrieval as well as semantic binding significantly differed between healthy older and young adults. Specifically for lexical retrieval, we found that different age groups exhibited opposite patterns of theta and alpha modulation, which as a combined picture suggest that lexical retrieval is associated with different and delayed signatures in older compared with young adults. For semantic binding, in young adults, we found a signature in the low-beta range centred around the target word onset (i.e., a smaller low-beta increase for binding relative to no binding), whereas in healthy older adults, we found an opposite binding signature about ~500 ms later in the low- and high-beta range (i.e., a smaller low- and high-beta decrease for binding relative to no binding). The novel finding of a different and delayed oscillatory signature for semantic binding in healthy older adults reflects that the integration of word meaning into the semantic context takes longer and relies on different mechanisms in healthy older compared with young adults.

The impact of musical expertise on anticipatory semantic processing during online speech comprehension: An electroencephalography study

Musical experience has been found to aid speech perception. This electroencephalography study further examined whether and how musical expertise affects high-level predictive semantic processing in speech comprehension. Musicians and non-musicians listened to semantically strongly/weakly constraining sentences, with each sentence being primed by a congruent/incongruent sentence-prosody. At the target nouns, a N400 reduction effect (strongly vs. weakly constraining) was observed in both groups, with the onset-latency of this effect being delayed for incongruent (vs. congruent) priming. At the transitive verbs preceding these target nouns, musicians' event-related-potential amplitude (in incongruent-priming) and beta-band oscillatory power (in congruent- and incongruent-priming) showed a semantic-constraint effect, and were correlated with the predictability of incoming nouns; non-musicians only demonstrated an event-related-potential semantic-constraint effect, which was correlated with the predictability of current verbs. These results indicate musical expertise enhances semantic prediction tendency in speech comprehension, and this effect might be not just an aftereffect of facilitated acoustic/phonological processing.

Retrieval (N400) and integration (P600) in expectation-based comprehension

Expectation-based theories of language processing, such as Surprisal theory, are supported by evidence of anticipation effects in both behavioural and neurophysiological measures. Online measures of language processing, however, are known to be influenced by factors such as lexical association that are distinct from—but often confounded with—expectancy. An open question therefore is whether a specific locus of expectancy related effects can be established in neural and behavioral processing correlates. We address this question in an event-related potential experiment and a self-paced reading experiment that independently cross expectancy and lexical association in a context manipulation design. We find that event-related potentials reveal that the N400 is sensitive to both expectancy and lexical association, while the P600 is modulated only by expectancy. Reading times, in turn, reveal effects of both association and expectancy in the first spillover region, followed by effects of expectancy alone in the second spillover region. These findings are consistent with the Retrieval-Integration account of language comprehension, according to which lexical retrieval (N400) is facilitated for words that are both expected and associated, whereas integration difficulty (P600) will be greater for unexpected words alone. Further, an exploratory analysis suggests that the P600 is not merely sensitive to expectancy violations, but rather, that there is a continuous relation. Taken together, these results suggest that the P600, like reading times, may reflect a meaning-centric notion of Surprisal in language comprehension.

A Theoretical Framework for a Hybrid View of the N400

In this study, we present a novel theoretical account of the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component. Hybrid views interpret this ERP component in terms of two cognitive operations: (i) access of information, which is related to predictions (predictability component), and (ii) integration of information, which is related to plausibility (plausibility component). Though there is an empirical evidence for this view, what has been left open so far is how these two operations can be defined. In our approach, both components are related to categorization. The critical word and the argument position it is related to are associated with categories that have a graded structure. This graded structure is defined in terms of weights both on attributes and values of features belonging to a category. The weights, in turn, are defined using probability distributions. The predictability component is defined in terms of the information gain with respect to non mismatched features between the two categories. The plausibility component is defined as the difference in the degree of typicality between the two categories. Finally, the N400 amplitude is defined as a function of both components.

Commonalities and Asymmetries in the Neurobiological Infrastructure for Language Production and Comprehension

The neurobiology of sentence production has been largely understudied compared to the neurobiology of sentence comprehension, due to difficulties with experimental control and motion-related artifacts in neuroimaging. We studied the neural response to constituents of increasing size and specifically focused on the similarities and differences in the production and comprehension of the same stimuli. Participants had to either produce or listen to stimuli in a gradient of constituent size based on a visual prompt. Larger constituent sizes engaged the left inferior frontal gyrus (LIFG) and middle temporal gyrus (LMTG) extending to inferior parietal areas in both production and comprehension, confirming that the neural resources for syntactic encoding and decoding are largely overlapping. An ROI analysis in LIFG and LMTG also showed that production elicited larger responses to constituent size than comprehension and that the LMTG was more engaged in comprehension than production, while the LIFG was more engaged in production than comprehension. Finally, increasing constituent size was characterized by later BOLD peaks in comprehension but earlier peaks in production. These results show that syntactic encoding and parsing engage overlapping areas, but there are asymmetries in the engagement of the language network due to the specific requirements of production and comprehension.

Development of the N400 for Word Learning in the First 2 Years of Life: A Systematic Review

The N400 ERP component is a direct neural index of word meaning. Studies show that the N400 component is already present in early infancy, albeit often delayed. Many researchers capitalize on this finding, using the N400 component to better understand how early language acquisition unfolds. However, variability in how researchers quantify the N400 makes it difficult to set clear predictions or build theory. Not much is known about how the N400 component develops in the first 2 years of life in terms of its latency and topographical distributions, nor do we know how task parameters affect its appearance. In the current paper we carry out a systematic review, comparing over 30 studies that report the N400 component as a proxy of semantic processing elicited in infants between 0 and 24 months old who listened to linguistic stimuli. Our main finding is that there is large heterogeneity across semantic-priming studies in reported characteristics of the N400, both with respect to latency and to distributions. With age, the onset of the N400 insignificantly decreases, while its offset slightly increases. We also examined whether the N400 appears different for recently-acquired novel words vs. existing words: both situations reveal heterogeneity across studies. Finally, we inspected whether the N400 was modulated differently with studies using a between-subject design. In infants with more proficient language skills the N400 was more often present or showed itself here with earlier latency, compared to their peers; but no consistent patterns were observed for distribution characteristics of the N400. One limitation of the current review is that we compared studies that widely differed in choice of EEG recordings, pre-processing steps and quantification of the N400, all of which could affect the characteristics of the infant N400. The field is still missing research that systematically tests development of the N400 using the same paradigm across infancy.

Compositionality in a Parallel Architecture for Language Processing

Compositionality has been a central concept in linguistics and philosophy for decades, and it is increasingly prominent in many other areas of cognitive science. Its status, however, remains contentious. Here, I reassess the nature and scope of the principle of compositionality (Partee, 1995) from the perspective of psycholinguistics and cognitive neuroscience. First, I review classic arguments for compositionality and conclude that they fail to establish compositionality as a property of human language. Next, I state a new competence argument, acknowledging the fact that any competent user of a language L can assign to most expressions in L at least one meaning which is a function only of the meanings of the expression's parts and of its syntactic structure. I then discuss selected results from cognitive neuroscience, indicating that the human brain possesses the processing capacities presupposed by the competence argument. Finally, I outline a language processing architecture consistent with the neuroscience results, where semantic representations may be generated by a syntax-driven stream and by an "asyntactic" processing stream, jointly or independently. Compositionality is viewed as a constraint on computation in the former stream only.

When components collide: Spatiotemporal overlap of the N400 and P600 in language comprehension

The problem of spatiotemporal overlap between event-related potential (ERP) components is generally acknowledged in language research. However, its implications for the interpretation of experimental results are often overlooked. In a previous experiment on the functional interpretation of the N400 and P600, it was argued that a P600 effect to implausible words was largely obscured - in one of two implausible conditions - by an overlapping N400 effect of semantic association. In the present ERP study, we show that the P600 effect of implausibility is uncovered when the critical condition is tested against a proper baseline condition which elicits a similar N400 amplitude, while it is obscured when tested against a baseline condition producing an N400 effect. Our findings reveal that component overlap can result in the apparent absence or presence of an effect in the surface signal and should therefore be carefully considered when interpreting ERP patterns. Importantly, we show that, by factoring in the effects of spatiotemporal overlap between the N400 and P600 on the surface signal, which we reveal using rERP analysis, apparent inconsistencies in previous findings are easily reconciled, enabling us to draw unambiguous conclusions about the functional interpretation of the N400 and P600 components. Overall, our results provide compelling evidence that the N400 reflects lexical retrieval processes, while the P600 indexes compositional integration of word meaning into the unfolding utterance interpretation.

Online sentence processing impairments in agrammatic and logopenic primary progressive aphasia: Evidence from ERP

Evidence from psycholinguistic research indicates that sentence processing is impaired in Primary Progressive Aphasia (PPA), and more so in individuals with agrammatic (PPA-G) than logopenic (PPA-L) subtypes. Studies have mostly focused on offline sentence production ability, reporting impaired production of verb morphology (e.g., tense, agreement) and verb-argument structure (VAS) in PPA-G, and mixed findings in PPA-L. However, little is known about real-time sentence comprehension in PPA. The present study is the first to compare real-time semantic, morphosyntactic and VAS processing in individuals with PPA (10 with PPA-G and 9 with PPA-L), and in two groups of healthy (22 young and 19 older) individuals, using event-related potentials (ERP). Participants were instructed to listen to sentences that were either well-formed (n = 150) or contained a violation of semantics (e.g., *Owen was mentoring pumpkins at the party, n = 50), morphosyntax (e.g., *The actors was singing in the theatre, n = 50) or VAS (*Ryan was devouring on the couch, n = 50), and were required to perform a sentence acceptability judgment task while EEG was recorded. Results indicated that in the semantic task both healthy and PPA groups showed an N400 response to semantic violations, which was delayed in PPA and older (vs. younger) groups. Morphosyntactic violations elicited a P600 in both groups of healthy individuals and in PPA-L, but not in PPA-G. A similar P600 response was also found only in healthy individuals for VAS violations; whereas, abnormal ERP responses were observed in both PPA groups, with PPA-G showing no evidence of VAS violation detection and PPA-L showing a delayed and abnormally-distributed positive component that was negatively associated with offline sentence comprehension scores. These findings support characterizations of sentence processing impairments in PPA-G, by providing online evidence that VAS and morphosyntactic processing are impaired, in the face of substantially preserved semantic processing. In addition, the results indicate that on-line processing of VAS information may also be impaired in PPA-L, despite their near-normal accuracy on standardized language tests of argument structure production.

Concurrent use of animacy and event-knowledge during comprehension: Evidence from event-related potentials

In two ERP experiments, we investigated whether readers prioritize animacy over real-world event-knowledge during sentence comprehension. We used the paradigm of Paczynski and Kuperberg (2012), who argued that animacy is prioritized based on the observations that the 'related anomaly effect' (reduced N400s for context-related anomalous words compared to unrelated words) does not occur for animacy violations, and that animacy violations but not relatedness violations elicit P600 effects. Participants read passive sentences with plausible agents (e.g., The prescription for the mental disorder was written by the psychiatrist) or implausible agents that varied in animacy and semantic relatedness (schizophrenic/guard/pill/fence). In Experiment 1 (with a plausibility judgment task), plausible sentences elicited smaller N400s relative to all types of implausible sentences. Crucially, animate words elicited smaller N400s than inanimate words, and related words elicited smaller N400s than unrelated words, but Bayesian analysis revealed substantial evidence against an interaction between animacy and relatedness. Moreover, at the P600 time-window, we observed more positive ERPs for animate than inanimate words and for related than unrelated words at anterior regions. In Experiment 2 (without judgment task), we observed an N400 effect with animacy violations, but no other effects. Taken together, the results of our experiments fail to support a prioritized role of animacy information over real-world event-knowledge, but they support an interactive, constraint-based view on incremental semantic processing.

Gesture's body orientation modulates the N400 for visual sentences primed by gestures

Body orientation of gesture entails social-communicative intention, and may thus influence how gestures are perceived and comprehended together with auditory speech during face-to-face communication. To date, despite the emergence of neuroscientific literature on the role of body orientation on hand action perception, limited studies have directly investigated the role of body orientation in the interaction between gesture and language. To address this research question, we carried out an electroencephalography (EEG) experiment presenting to participants (n = 21) videos of frontal and lateral communicative hand gestures of 5 s (e.g., raising a hand), followed by visually presented sentences that are either congruent or incongruent with the gesture (e.g., "the mountain is high/low…"). Participants underwent a semantic probe task, judging whether a target word is related or unrelated to the gesture-sentence event. EEG results suggest that, during the perception phase of handgestures, while both frontal and lateral gestures elicited a power decrease in both the alpha (8-12 Hz) and the beta (16-24 Hz) bands, lateral versus frontal gestures elicited reduced power decrease in the beta band, source-located to the medial prefrontal cortex. For sentence comprehension, at the critical word whose meaning is congruent/incongruent with the gesture prime, frontal gestures elicited an N400 effect for gesture-sentence incongruency. More importantly, this incongruency effect was significantly reduced for lateral gestures. These findings suggest that body orientation plays an important role in gesture perception, and that its inferred social-communicative intention may influence gesture-language interaction at semantic level.

The neural substrate of noun morphological inflection: A rapid event-related fMRI study in Italian

The present research investigated the neural correlates of nominal inflection and aimed at disclosing their possible link with the frequency distribution of noun inflectional features: grammatical gender, inflectional suffixes and inflectional classes. The properties of the Italian nominal system were exploited since it allows to explore exhaustively fine-grained phenomena in the inflectional processing. An event-related functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI) experiment was carried out where Italian masculine and feminine nouns were visually presented to 50 healthy participants in an overt inflectional task: the generation of the plural from the singular and vice versa. The grammatical gender and the citation form suffix of nouns were manipulated in a factorial design. Functional data showed that inflectional operations for nouns activate an extensive cortical network involving the left inferior and right superior frontal gyri, the left and right middle temporal gyri, the posterior cingulate cortex and the cerebellum. Activations were variably modulated by the distributional features of gender-dependent properties of nouns. Particularly, cortical activity increased during inflectional operations for small and/or scarcely consistent inflectional classes. These findings demonstrate the relevance of specific morphological (inflectional suffixes) and distributional features (size and consistency) shared by groups of words (inflectional classes) in a language, particularly when implementing cognitive operations required for language processing.

Meaning before grammar: A review of ERP experiments on the neurodevelopmental origins of semantic processing

According to traditional linguistic theories, the construction of complex meanings relies firmly on syntactic structure-building operations. Recently, however, new models have been proposed in which semantics is viewed as being partly autonomous from syntax. In this paper, we discuss some of the developmental implications of syntax-based and autonomous models of semantics. We review event-related brain potential (ERP) studies on semantic processing in infants and toddlers, focusing on experiments reporting modulations of N400 amplitudes using visual or auditory stimuli and different temporal structures of trials. Our review suggests that infants can relate or integrate semantic information from temporally overlapping stimuli across modalities by 6 months of age. The ability to relate or integrate semantic information over time, within and across modalities, emerges by 9 months. The capacity to relate or integrate information from spoken words in sequences and sentences appears by 18 months. We also review behavioral and ERP studies showing that grammatical and syntactic processing skills develop only later, between 18 and 32 months. These results provide preliminary evidence for the availability of some semantic processes prior to the full developmental emergence of syntax: non-syntactic meaning-building operations are available to infants, albeit in restricted ways, months before the abstract machinery of grammar is in place. We discuss this hypothesis in light of research on early language acquisition and human brain development.

Catecholaminergic Modulation of Semantic Processing in Sentence Comprehension

Catecholamine (CA) function has been widely implicated in cognitive functions that are tied to the prefrontal cortex and striatal areas. The present study investigated the effects of methylphenidate, which is a CA agonist, on the electroencephalogram (EEG) response related to semantic processing using a double-blind, placebo-controlled, randomized, crossover, within-subject design. Forty-eight healthy participants read semantically congruent or incongruent sentences after receiving 20-mg methylphenidate or a placebo while their brain activity was monitored with EEG. To probe whether the catecholaminergic modulation is task-dependent, in one condition participants had to focus on comprehending the sentences, while in the other condition, they only had to attend to the font size of the sentence. The results demonstrate that methylphenidate has a task-dependent effect on semantic processing. Compared to placebo, when semantic processing was task-irrelevant, methylphenidate enhanced the detection of semantic incongruence as indexed by a larger N400 amplitude in the incongruent sentences; when semantic processing was task-relevant, methylphenidate induced a larger N400 amplitude in the semantically congruent condition, which was followed by a larger late positive complex effect. These results suggest that CA-related neurotransmitters influence language processing, possibly through the projections between the prefrontal cortex and the striatum, which contain many CA receptors.

Gender-dependent variations in optical illusions: evidence from N400 waveforms

OBJECTIVE

The cognitive mechanisms (especially the gender-related ones) underlying optical illusion processing remain elusive. Since the N400 component of event-related potentials (ERPs) is an index of the semantic integration of information processing tasks, the present study focuses on gender-related differences in N400 waveforms elicited during the reasoning process applied to reach a valid conclusion of optical illusions engaging working memory (WM).

APPROACH

Fifty-one healthy participants (28 males, age = 34.25 years ± 10.25, years of education = 16.00 years ± 1.78; and 23 females, age = 33.43 ± 7.93, years of education = 15.56 ± 1.82) were measured. The N400 ERP component was evoked by 39 optical illusions adjusted to induce WM. We compared brain activation patterns while participants maintained conclusions of the optical illusions in WM. The N400 of ERPs was recorded during the WM phase, during which participants were required to draw a logical conclusion regarding the correctness of the optical illusions.

MAIN RESULTS

Analysis revealed that females compared to males exhibited significantly increased N400 amplitudes located at parietal and occipital sites, whereas males exhibited significantly higher N400 amplitudes located at frontal areas. Furthermore, females compared to males demonstrated significantly prolonged latencies of the N400 component located at right frontotemporal abductions.

SIGNIFICANCE

These results suggest that coupling of optical illusions with WM engages distinct gender-related variations of brain semantic processing as reflected by the N400 ERP component. Based on the dual process account, our study gives support to the notion that women tend to employ a more deliberate and slower semantic reasoning than the men who tend to employ an automatic and fast one. Topographically, within the network sub-serving the semantic operation, the posterior brain areas responsible for sensorimotor integration-related processes elicit a greater brain activation among females while the anterior brain areas responsible for control and storage/retrieval operation elicit a greater brain activation among males.