Drinking characteristics of drivers arrested for driving while intoxicated in two police jurisdictions

Alcohol-impaired motorcyclists versus car drivers: A comparison of crash involvement and legal consequence from adjudication data

INTRODUCTION

Driving under the influence (DUI) increases the probability of motor-vehicle collisions, especially for motorcycles with less protections. This study aimed to identify commonalities and differences between criminally DUI offenses (i.e., with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) of 80 mg/dL or higher) committed by motorcyclists and car drivers.

METHODS

A total of 10,457 motorcycle DUIs and 8,402 car DUIs were compared using a series of logistic regression models, using data extracted from the documents of adjudication decisions by the courts of Jiangsu, China.

RESULTS

The results revealed that offenders from the high-BAC group (i.e., 200 mg/dL or higher) accounted for more than 20% of the total DUI offenses, and were more likely to be involved in a crash and punished with a longer detention. Motorcyclists had a higher likelihood of crash involvement, and were also more likely to be responsible for single-vehicle crashes associated with higher odds of injury sustained, compared to alcohol-impaired car drivers. In the verdict, motorcycle offenders were more likely to receive a less severe penalty.

CONCLUSIONS

Interventions are clearly required to focus on reducing in the high-BAC group of offenders. For alcohol-impaired motorcyclists, their risks of crash and injury against BAC climb more steeply than the risks for car drivers. The factors including frequent occurrences, uncertainty of detection, and short-term sentences may weaken the deterrence effect of the criminalization of motorcycle DUI. Practical Applications: The traffic-related adjudication data support traffic safety analysis. Strategies such as combating motorcycle violations (e.g., unlicensed operators or driving unsafe vehicles), undertaking education and awareness campaigns, are expected for DUI prevention.

Convicted drinking and driving offenders: Comparing alcohol use before and after the pandemic outbreak

BACKGROUND

Before the COVID-19 pandemic, very little was known about the impact of social isolation on individuals' alcohol use and misuse. This study examines how socially isolated individuals with a history of heavy drinking used alcohol during the pandemic.

METHODS

Data for this study came from an add-on to the Managing Heavy Drinking (MHD) longitudinal study of drivers convicted of DWI that was conducted in Erie County, New York. Pre-COVID information (October 2019-March 2020) was augmented with a COVID-19 questionnaire collected between July and August 2020. A total of 92 participants completed the COVID-19 survey.

RESULTS

The sample of problem drinkers showed a significant increase after the pandemic outbreak in the average number of drinking days from 1.99 to 2.49 per week (p = 0.047), but a significant decrease in the average number of drinks per drinking day, from 3.74 to 2.74 (p = 0.003). The proportion of individuals who drank more frequently was greater among those who, before the outbreak had an Alcohol Use Disorders Identification Test (AUDIT) score <8 (26% increase) compared with those with an AUDIT score of >8 (13%). Alcohol treatment was also associated with the frequency of drinking, with individuals who were not in alcohol treatment showing a 16% increase in frequency compared with a 10% increase among those in treatment. Further, individuals who, after the outbreak worried about their health (30%) or finances (37%) reported greater increases in the frequency of drinking than those who did not worry about their health (17%) or finances (10%).

CONCLUSIONS

Overall, the individuals in our sample showed small changes in the frequency andheaviness of drinking after the outbreak of COVID-19, effects that opposite in direction from one another and thus resulted in no overall change in drinks consumed. Nonetheless, we identified factors that influenced the effects of the pandemic on drinking behavior among individuals convicted of DWI, which emphasizes the need to individualize these individuals' treatment, particularly in the context of dramatic environmental change.

Efficacy and cost-effectiveness of subsidized ridesharing as a drunk driving intervention in Columbus, OH

BACKGROUND

No economic evaluations exist of free or subsidized ridesharing services designed to reduce impaired driving.

OBJECTIVES

To evaluate the effects and economics of a 17-weekend program that provided rideshare coupons good for free one-way or round trips to/from the hospitality zones in Columbus, Ohio, coupled with a modest increase in enforcement and a media campaign that used messaging about enforcement to promote usage.

METHODS

Web surveys of riders and intercept surveys of foot traffic in the hospitality zones yielded data on the reduction in driving after drinking and the change in alcohol consumption associated with coupon use. We estimated crash changes from trip data using national studies, then confirmed with an ARIMA analysis of monthly police crash reports. Costs and output data came from program and rideshare company records.

RESULTS

70.8% of 19,649 responding coupon redeemers said coupon use reduced the chance they would drive after drinking. An estimated 1 in 4,310 drink-driving trips results in an alcohol-attributable crash, so the coupons prevented an estimated 3.2 crashes. Consistent with that minimal change, the ARIMA analysis did not detect a drunk-driving crash reduction. Self-reports indicated alcohol consumption rose by an average of 0.4 drinks per coupon redeemer, possibly with an equal rise among people who rode with the redeemer. The program cost almost $650,000 and saved an estimated 1.8 years of healthy life. Across a range of discount rates and values for a year of healthy life, it cost $366,000 to $791,000 per year of healthy life saved. Its estimated benefit-cost ratio was between 0.31 and 0.59, meaning it cost far more than it saved.

CONCLUSIONS

Ridesharing, coupled with a media campaign and increased enforcement, was not a cost-effective drunk-driving intervention. Although it reduced drink-driving crashes and saved years of healthy life, those savings were modest and expensive. Moreover, the self-reported increase in participant drinking imposed countervailing risks. Even sensitivity analyses that potentially overestimate the benefits and underestimate the costs indicate a significant imbalance between program costs and savings. Any funding devoted to ridesharing would divert scarce resources from interventions with benefit-cost ratios above 1. Thus, our evaluation suggests that governments should not devote energy or resources to ridesharing programs if their primary objective is to reduce drink-driving or harmful alcohol use.

Evaluation of Maryland's state police impaired driving reduction effort (SPIDRE)

OBJECTIVE

Alcohol-impaired driving is a significant factor in fatal and serious injury-producing crashes in the United States and many other countries. In 2013, the State of Maryland implemented an anti-driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement program, called the State Police Impaired Driving Reduction Effort (SPIDRE). This enforcement effort consisted of a select team of 7 police officers from the Maryland State Police who engaged in high-intensity driving under the influence (DUI) enforcement. The purpose of this evaluation was to determine the impact of the SPIDRE program on impaired-driving crashes, DUI arrests, DUI adjudicative outcomes, and public perceptions of DUI enforcement.

METHODS

Data from alcohol-related crashes, arrests, and adjudicative outcomes of those arrests were used, along with data obtained from public opinion and bar patron surveys, to compare counties where the SPIDRE program operated and non-SPIDRE counties where it did not. The evaluation period extended from 2010 to 2016 in monthly intervals. Autoregressive integrated moving average (ARIMA) methods were used for the data analyses of crashes and arrests.

RESULTS

There was no significant reduction in alcohol-related crashes as reported by the police associated with the SPIDRE program. However, there was a statistically significant decrease in the ratio of single-vehicle nighttime to multiple-vehicle daytime crashes in the SPIDRE counties but not in any other counties, suggesting a positive effect using this surrogate measure of impaired-driving crashes. The specific comparison counties as well as the other non-SPIDRE counties in Maryland experienced a statistically significant decrease in DUI arrests during the evaluation period, whereas the SPIDRE counties did not show such a decrease. Further, the arrests made by the SPIDRE team resulted in a significantly higher rate of positive adjudicative outcomes than arrests made by non-SPIDRE officers in those counties where the SPIDRE team operated. There was no evidence that the public was more aware of DUI enforcement efforts in the SPIDRE counties than in the non-SPIDRE counties.

CONCLUSIONS

The SPIDRE program appeared able to prevent a downward trend in DUI arrests, experienced by the rest of the state, and achieved higher quality arrests resulting in more positive adjudicative outcomes. The way in which the SPIDRE team was deployed may have lacked sufficient duration and intensity (e.g., only 2-3 months of activity in any given county) to achieve a reduction in alcohol-impaired-driving crashes as reported by the police. It is recommended that the SPIDRE team increase its enforcement activities for at least 9-12 consecutive months in the county where they are employed.

Drivers with alcohol use disorders and their risks of crash involvement

BACKGROUND

The relationship between driver blood alcohol concentration (BAC) and crash involvement is well understood. However, the role of alcohol use disorders (AUDs) (i.e., dependence or abuse) in crash occurrence, as distinguished from non-clinical heavy alcohol consumption, has not been adequately explored.

METHODS

Data from the 2010-2011 Crash Risk Study conducted in Virginia Beach, VA, were used in this study. Drivers involved in crashes were compared with control drivers, and four drinker groups were examined: alcohol dependent, alcohol abusers, heavy drinkers, and all other current (i.e., normative) drinkers. Logistic regression analyses were conducted on two outcomes: having a moderate BAC (≥0.05 g/dl), and crash involvement.

RESULTS

Overall, 2411 crash-involved and 5514 control drivers provided useable data, 52.4% of which were men and 70.8% Whites. The prevalence of drivers with AUDs was lower for the crash-involved drivers (8.7%) than for the control drivers (12.7%). Only heavy drinkers, but not abusive or dependent drinkers, were over four times more likely to drive with moderate BACs at nighttime. More important, at nighttime, the odds of crash involvement for dependent drinkers were only one third of those for normative drinkers. Daytime crashes, however, were more likely to involve normative drinkers than any of the other three drinker types.

CONCLUSIONS

Drivers with AUDs are not more likely than normative drinkers to drive with moderate BACs at night. After accounting for the influence of BAC, dependent drinkers have a lower risk of being involved in a crash, at any time of the day.

Alcohol-Impaired Driving: The Influence of Adverse Rearing Environments, Alcohol, Cannabis Use, and the Moderating Role of Anxiety

BACKGROUND

The rate of alcohol-impaired driving (AID) increases during the college years and students who have reported adverse rearing environments appear to be at increased risk for the development of alcohol and drug use behaviors. Alcohol and cannabis are the most commonly used drugs by college students, and these substances are particularly predictive of substance-impaired driving.

OBJECTIVES

The present study aimed to investigate whether adverse rearing environment experiences and level of alcohol and cannabis use are related to the frequency of alcohol-impaired driving and whether anxiety might buffer or accelerate this effect.

METHODS

Data regarding adversity, drug use, anxiety, and AID were obtained from 1,265 students annually, from first to final year of college, over four waves (Mean Age at wave 1 = 18.5 years).

RESULTS

Structural equation modeling supported associations among childhood adversity, alcohol, cannabis, and anxiety symptoms. A significant mediation effect was found such that adversity was predictive of AID via alcohol use and cannabis use. Among men, anxiety symptoms accelerated the path from increased cannabis use and decelerated the path from increased alcohol use to AID frequency. Conclusions/Importance: Childhood adversity is a developmental risk precursor to drug use and AID, whereas anxiety might serve a risk or protective factor to AID, contingent on the drug used.

Firearms, alcohol and crime: convictions for driving under the influence (DUI) and other alcohol-related crimes and risk for future criminal activity among authorised purchasers of handguns

Firearm violence frequently involves alcohol, but there are no studies of misuse of alcohol and risk for future violence among firearm owners. We examined the association between prior convictions for alcohol-related crimes, chiefly driving under the influence (DUI), and risk of subsequent arrest among 4066 individuals who purchased handguns in California in 1977. During follow-up through 1991, 32.8% of those with prior alcohol-related convictions and 5.7% of those with no prior criminal history were arrested for a violent or firearm-related crime; 15.9% and 2.7%, respectively, were arrested for murder, rape, robbery or aggravated assault. Prior alcohol-related convictions were associated with a fourfold to fivefold increase in risk of incident arrest for a violent or firearm-related crime, a relative increase greater than that seen for age, sex or prior violence. Prior convictions for alcohol-related crime may be an important predictor of risk for future criminal activity among purchasers of firearms.

A comprehensive examination of U.S. laws enacted to reduce alcohol-related crashes among underage drivers

INTRODUCTION

To effectively address concerns associated with alcohol-related traffic laws, communities must apply comprehensive and well-coordinated interventions that account for as many factors as possible. The goal of the current research article is to examine and evaluate the simultaneous contribution of 20 underage drinking laws and 3 general driving safety laws, while accounting for demographic, economic, and environmental variables.

METHODS

Annual fatal crash data (1982 to 2010), policies, and demographic, economic, and environmental information were collected and applied to each of the 51 jurisdictions (50 states and the District of Columbia). A structural equation model was fit to estimate the relative contribution of the variables of interest to alcohol-related crashes.

RESULTS

As expected, economic factors (e.g., unemployment rate, cost of alcohol) and alcohol outlet density were found highly relevant to the amount of alcohol teens consume and therefore to teens' impaired driving. Policies such as those regulating the age of bartenders, sellers, or servers; social host civil liability laws; dram shop laws; internal possession of alcohol laws; and fake identification laws do not appear to have the same impact on teens' alcohol-related crash ratios as other types of policies such as those regulating alcohol consumption or alcohol outlet density.

CONCLUSIONS

This effort illustrates the need for comprehensive models of teens' impaired driving. After simultaneously accounting for as many factors as possible, we found that in general (for most communities) further reductions in alcohol-related crashes among teens might be more rapidly achieved from efforts focused on reducing teens' drinking rather than on reducing teens' driving. Future efforts should be made to develop models that represent specific communities.

PRACTICAL APPLICATIONS

Based on this and community-specific models, simulation programs can be developed to help communities understand and visualize the impact of various policy alternatives.

Legal consequences for alcohol-impaired drivers injured in motor vehicle collisions: A systematic review

The treatment of alcohol-impaired drivers injured in a motor vehicle collision (MVC) is a complex public health issue. We conducted a systematic review to describe the legal consequences for alcohol-impaired drivers injured in a MVC and taken to a hospital or trauma center. Methods We searched MEDLINE, Embase, and CINAHL databases from inception until August 2014. We included studies that reported legal consequences including charges or convictions of injured drivers taken to a hospital or trauma center after a MVC with a blood alcohol concentration (BAC) exceeding the legal limit.Results Twenty-six studies met inclusion criteria; twenty studies were conducted in the USA, five in Canada, and one in Sweden. All were cohort studies (23 retrospective, 3 prospective) and included 11,409 patients overall. A total of 5,127 drivers had a BAC exceeding the legal limit, with legal consequences reported in 4937 cases. The median overall DUI/DWI conviction rate was 13% (range 0-85%). The median percentage of drivers with a previous conviction on their record for driving under the influence (DUI) or driving while intoxicated (DWI) was 15.5% (range 6-40%). The median percentage of drivers convicted again for DUI/DWI during the study period was 3.5% (range 2-10%). Heterogeneity between study designs, legal jurisdictions, institutional procedures and policies for obtaining a legally admissible BAC measurement precluded a meta-analysis. Conclusions The majority of intoxicated drivers injured in MVCs and seen in the emergency department are never charged or convicted. A substantial proportion of injured intoxicated drivers had more than one conviction for DUI/DWI on their police record.

Characteristics of 1226 alcohol-positive drivers involved in nonfatal traffic crashes in Shanghai, China

OBJECTIVE

The purpose of our study was to better characterize and evaluate drunk driving for governmental reference in order to further reduce alcohol-impaired driving.

METHOD

This article reports the characteristics of 1226 alcohol-positive drivers with blood alcohol concentrations (BACs) at or over the legal limit of 0.20 mg/mL involved in nonfatal traffic accidents in Shanghai, China, from 2008 to 2011. The mean BAC, age, and gender of these drivers are discussed as well as the vehicle types and times of day when the crashes occurred.

RESULTS

The mean BAC was 1.41 mg/mL and the mean age was 38 years old, and the vast majority of drivers were male (96.9%). The mean BAC of male drivers (1.42 mg/mL) was higher than that of female drivers (1.20 mg/mL). The mean age of male drivers (38) was also higher than that of female drivers (33). Distributions of vehicle types involved were studied. Cars had the highest percentage of occurrences (56.4%), followed by motorcycles (32.8%), electric bicycles (6.8%), trucks (1.5%), and bicycles (0.8%). It was found that these alcohol-related traffic crashes most often occurred between 7:00 p.m. and 10:59 p.m., representing 48.1 percent (n = 590) of the 1226 cases. Single-vehicle crashes were overrepresented (70.3%) in all cases. The mean BAC in multivehicle crashes (1.69 mg/mL) was higher than that in single-vehicle crashes (1.30 mg/mL).

CONCLUSIONS

The results indicated a notable need for more governmental attention that would prevent accidents caused by driving under the influence of alcohol.

Characteristics of DUI offenders with a high versus low perceived risk of arrest

OBJECTIVE

To compare offenders with high versus low perceptions of risk for being stopped by police for drinking and driving using measures of beliefs, behaviors, social context of drinking, and perceived influence from a significant other in their social network.

METHOD

Telephone interviews were conducted with 161 individuals who received a first-time driving under the influence (DUI) citation in Maryland. They were divided into 2 groups: those who felt that it was almost certain or very likely that they would be stopped by the police if they drove after having too much to drink (n = 56) and those who felt that it was only somewhat likely or unlikely (n = 105).

RESULTS

The 2 groups did not differ in terms of age, gender, race/ethnicity, education, employment, or marital status. Offenders with a low perceived risk of being stopped were less likely to believe that they would be convicted if they were stopped and arrested. They were more likely to report having an encounter with an aggressive driver, running through a stop sign or traffic light, drinking in a context of social facilitation, knowing someone in their social network who had received a DUI citation, and having a member of their social network suggest that they had had too much to drink and could not drive safely.

CONCLUSIONS

The social context of drinking and the relationship they have to their social network have important implications for influencing first DUI offenders and preventing them from recidivating.

Police custody following drink-driving: a prospective study

BACKGROUND

Drink-driving is a crime and traffic offences are a common cause of detention in police custody. Legal assessment of alcohol intoxication is based on breath or blood testing. We hypothesize that refusal of breath alcohol testing or inability to perform it can correspond to singular medical characteristics of the detainee, possibly assaulted or injured during the arrest. Our objective was to determine medical characteristics of detainees held in custody for drink-driving.

METHODS

Prospective monocentric study (April-October, 2010) of drink-drive arrestees. Controls were persons aged over 18 detained for other reasons than drink-driving. Data collected concerned persons' characteristics and reported assaults or observed injuries.

RESULTS

223 drivers were tested positive for breath alcohol level and 55 suspected drink-drivers refused or were not able to complete breath test. 2212 consecutively examined persons served as controls. Drink-drive arrestees requested medical examination more rarely (18% and 7%, vs. 43%, P<0.0001) and drivers tested positive for breath alcohol were more frequently alcohol abusers (25% vs. 14%, P<0.0001) than controls. Drivers who did not complete breath test more often reported assaults than those tested positive for breath alcohol (22% vs. 8%, P=0.007). They had more frequent traumatic injuries than those tested positive and than controls (29% vs. 11% and 17%, P=0.003 and 0.02). Only 1% of drink drivers were unfit for detention after medical examination.

CONCLUSION

Physicians need to give attentive care to detained drink-drivers. Special attention should be paid to drink-drivers who refused or were not able to complete breath alcohol measurement.

A descriptive analysis of the social context of drinking among first-time DUI offenders

OBJECTIVE

To understand the role of social context in contributing to the incidence of alcohol-impaired driving.

METHODS

Telephone interviews were conducted with 161 individuals who received a first-time DUI citation. They were predominantly white (70%), male (62%) and 21 to 45 years of age (62%). They were paid $25 for their participation. Questions were asked about their social network, the social context in which they typically drink, the specific location and circumstances where they were drinking at the time of their citation, risky driving behaviors, in the last month as well as the number of traffic tickets they received and crashes they have been involved in since they started to drive.

RESULTS

Two reliable social contexts of drinking were identified through principle components factors analysis: emotional pain and social facilitation. Analyses of variance showed that drinking in a context of emotional pain (eg, to deal with depression, stress) was related to drinking alone at this location and driving when they know they have had too much to drink. Drinking in a context of social facilitation (eg, with friends, to be sociable) was related to drinking more frequently and with others (versus alone) at this location. Social facilitation was also positively related to driving over the speed limit and running a red light/stop sign.

CONCLUSIONS

The social context of drinking is important for understanding the social network of drinking drivers, because most (86%) said that someone from their social network was with them at this drinking location. The need to understand how significant others influence the context of drinking as well as the likelihood of impaired driving is critical for program development. These results suggest that different types of interventions are needed for offenders depending on their social context of drinking.