Age stereotypes: Dimensions, origins, and consequences

We give an overview of what age stereotypes (AS) are, how they are acquired and change across the lifespan, and how they shape development in old age. AS reflect complex beliefs and expectations that vary on the following dimensions: They differ in content and valence, depending on the life-domain to which they are applied (context), they refer to different age-groups (reference), to older people or to oneself as an old person (direction of relevance), and they either describe how older people are or prescribe how they should be (modality). AS are acquired early, and later taint beliefs about one's own aging (internalization). Once they are part of the self-concept, AS act as self-fulfilling prophecies that shape the actual aging process (stereotype embodiment).

Explaining Variation in Individual Aging, Its Sources, and Consequences: A Comprehensive Conceptual Model of Human Aging

We define aging as a characteristic deterioration in one (or more) observable attributes of an organism that typically occurs during later life. With this narrow functional definition, we gain the freedom to separate aging from other processes of age-related change (e.g., maturation, growth, illness, terminal decline). We introduce a structural model that distinguishes between (1) the phenomenon of aging, (2) the subjective experience of aging, (3) sources of aging, and (4) consequences of aging. A core focus of the model is on the role of buffering mechanisms of biological repair and personal adaptation that regulate the relations between sources of aging, aging proper, and its consequences. The quality and level of functioning of these buffering mechanisms also varies across the life span, which directly affects the sources of aging, resulting in either resilience against or accelerated aging, and thus can be considered to be a major source of the variation in aging processes among different individuals. External factors comprising attributes of the physical environment and sociocultural characteristics are considered as contexts in which aging occurs. These contextual factors are assumed to feed into the various components of the model. Our model provides an interdisciplinary account of human aging, its sources and consequences, and also its subjective experience, by integrating biological, psychological, lifestyle, and sociocultural factors, and by specifying their interrelations and interactions. The model provides a comprehensive understanding of individual human aging, its underlying processes, and modulating factors. It allows for the derivation of empirically testable hypotheses, and it helps practitioners to identify elements that lend themselves to targeted intervention efforts aimed at increasing the resilience of individuals against aging and buffering its negative consequences.

What does feeling younger or older than one's chronological age mean to men and women? Qualitative and quantitative findings from the PROTECT study

OBJECTIVE

We explored which factors are associated with subjective age (SA), i.e. feeling younger, the same as, or older than one's chronological age, and whether these factors differ between men and women and between two age sub-groups.

DESIGN

Cross-sectional study using qualitative and quantitative data for 1457 individuals (mean age= 67.2 years).

MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES

Participants reported how old they feel they are and provided comments in relation to their SA judgments.

RESULTS

By using content analysis participants' comments were assigned to 13 categories, grouped into three higher-order categories (antecedents of age-related thoughts, mental processes, and issues when measuring subjective age). SA may result from the interaction between factors that increase or decrease age-related thoughts and mental processes that individuals use to interpret age-related changes. Chi-squared tests show that individuals reporting an older SA are more likely to experience significant negative changes and to engage in negative age-related thoughts than individuals reporting an age-congruent SA or a younger SA. Women experience a more negative SA and more age-salient events than men.

CONCLUSION

Individuals reporting an older SA may benefit from interventions promoting adaptation to negative age-related changes. There is the need to eradicate negative societal views of older women.

Endorsement and embodiment of cautiousness-related age stereotypes

Endorsement of implicit age stereotypes was assessed with the propositional evaluation paradigm (PEP) in a high-powered, preregistered study, comprising samples of young (n = 89) and older (n = 125) adults. To investigate whether implicit age stereotypes shape the behavior via self-stereotyping ("embodiment"), we examined whether implicit endorsement of the belief of older (young) people being cautious (reckless) predicts older (young) individuals' spontaneous behavior in a speeded response time task. In both age groups, we found significant implicit endorsement effects of age stereotypical beliefs. However, implicit endorsement effects of the cautiousness-related age stereotypes were unrelated to our indicators of spontaneous cautious/reckless behavior in the speeded RT task (as assessed with the parameter a of a diffusion model analysis) for both age groups. The same pattern of results (endorsement of age stereotypic beliefs but no relation with behavioral indicators) was found for explicit measures of age stereotypes. Replicating previous findings, implicit and explicit measures of cautiousness-related age stereotypes were uncorrelated. In sum, our findings provide evidence for the implicit and explicit endorsement of cautiousness-related stereotypical beliefs about old and young people; individual differences in belief endorsement, however, did not predict differences in spontaneous cautiousness-related behavior in a speeded RT task.

Biases in Retrospective Perceptions of Changes in Well-Being Associated With Aging Attitudes

OBJECTIVES

Aging attitudes have important consequences on functioning in later life. A critical question concerns whether such attitudes may bias perceptions of one's own aging, with potentially negative effects on important outcomes.

METHODS

Using data from adults aged 30-85 years in Germany (n = 623), Hong Kong (n = 317), and the United States (n = 313), we examined the impact of age and aging attitudes on accuracy of perceptions of change in well-being over 5 years in different domains of functioning.

RESULTS

Across contexts, comparisons revealed good correspondence between retrospective reports and actual change. However, older adults and those with negative attitudes retrospectively reported less positive change over this period. Inconsistent with expectations, attitudes did not consistently bias accuracy of retrospective reports over cultures and domains of functioning, nor did age have a consistent moderating effect on the impact of attitudes on accuracy.

DISCUSSION

The results highlight the complex relationship between various personal characteristics and perceptions of change in well-being, as well as the potentially insidious effects of attitudes on the accuracy of these perceptions.

What will you do with all that time? Changes in leisure activities after retirement are determined by age-related self-views and preparation

Retirement is a normative life transition that liberates the individual from the external obligations of employment, being a catalyzer of leisure activity engagement. However, the individual's motivations to engage in leisure activities in the time that is gained after retirement may depend on their future self-views (i.e., views of their own ageing) as well as on their levels of preparation for age-related changes. In this study, therefore, we aim to examine longitudinal changes in levels of engagement in leisure activities that occur around the age of retirement as being influenced by views on ageing and preparation for old age. The sample consisted of 451 persons aged 50-65 years at baseline who participated in the Ageing as Future study at two time points 5 years apart. Participants were split in three age-matched groups: recently retired (in between baseline and follow-up), already retired (at baseline), and individuals who were still working (at follow-up). Findings indicated that changes in levels of leisure differed between groups. Compared to both already retired and still working participants, recently retired participants increased their levels of engagement in leisure activities. Positive views on ageing in the leisure domain (at baseline) predicted subsequent increases in activity levels but group and levels of preparation qualified this effect. A combination of positive views on ageing and preparation for age-related changes is needed for one to make use of the time that is gained with retirement, highlighting their role as determinants of behavior in response to normative life events in later life.

The experience of aging before one's time during the coronavirus pandemic among war veterans in Israel

Subjective age, the personal sense of how old one feels, is an important concomitant of posttraumatic outcomes in the second half of life. The present study aims to disentangle the interrelationships between posttraumatic stress disorder symptoms (PTSS) and subjective age, during the COVID-19 pandemic, among a sample of Israeli older adults who are veterans of the 1973 Yom Kippur War. Participants were interviewed in 2015 (T1; N = 259; mean age = 65.23, SD = 5.32) and in 2020, during the COVID-19 outbreak in Israel (T2). We assessed subjective age, PTSS, fear of COVID-19, self-rated health, and COVID-19 related accelerated subjective aging. A cross-lagged path analysis showed that while higher PTSS at T1 were associated with an increase in subjective age from T1 to T2, subjective age at T1 was not associated with PTSS at T2. PTSS at T1, but not subjective age, were associated with higher COVID-19 related accelerated subjective aging at T2. Older adults with continued PTSS due to past traumas, might be susceptible to the stressors of COVID-19 expressed in the personal subjective experience of having aged quickly in a short period of time. Our findings also suggest that in the context of stress and trauma, subjective age is more appropriately conceived as an outcome variable rather than a predictor of PTSS.

Exploring awareness of age-related changes among over 50s in the UK: findings from the PROTECT study

OBJECTIVES

Older people describe positive and negative age-related changes, but we do not know much about what contributes to make them aware of these changes. We used content analysis to categorize participants' written comments and explored the extent to which the identified categories mapped onto theoretical conceptualizations of influences on awareness of age-related change (AARC).

DESIGN

Cross-sectional observational study.

PARTICIPANTS

The study sample comprised 609 UK individuals aged 50 years or over (mean (SD) age = 67.9 (7.6) years), enrolled in the PROTECT study.

MEASUREMENTS

Between January and March 2019, participants provided demographic information, completed a questionnaire assessing awareness of age-related change (AARC-10 SF), and responded to an open-ended question asking them to comment on their responses.

RESULTS

While some of the emerging categories were in line with the existing conceptual framework of AARC (e.g. experiencing negative changes and attitudes toward aging), others were novel (e.g. engagement in purposeful activities or in activities that distract from age-related thoughts). Analysis revealed some of the thought processes involved in selecting responses to the questionnaire items, demonstrating different ways in which people make sense of specific items.

CONCLUSIONS

Results support the ability of the AARC questionnaire to capture perceived age-related changes in cognitive functioning, physical and mental health, and engagement in social activities and in healthy and adaptive behaviors. However, findings also suggest ways of enriching the theoretical conceptualization of how AARC develops and offer insights into interpretation of responses to measures of AARC.

What Determines That Older Adults Feel Younger Than They Are? Results From a Nationally Representative Study in Germany

Background

There is increasing evidence that subjective age is an important predictor of beneficial health outcomes besides chronological age. However, little is known about the factors associated with younger subjective age. This study aimed to identify which factors are predictive of feeling younger in old age. In this context, feeling younger was defined as an individual's perception of being younger than their current chronological age.

Methods

Data from 4,665 community-dwelling older people were drawn from wave 7 (2020) of the German Aging Survey (DEAS), a nationally representative study in Germany. Network, mediation, and binomial logistic regression analyses were performed to reveal the associations between feeling younger and biopsychosocial factors.

Results

A total of 4,039 participants reported feeling younger, while 626 did not. Older chronological age, engaging in sports more frequently, a better standard of living, a better state of health, higher satisfaction with life, more positive attitudes toward one's aging, and fewer depressive symptoms are associated with feeling younger in older people.

Conclusion

The present study provides novel and consistent evidence regarding the association between feeling younger and biopsychosocial factors. Further research is needed to confirm these factors and identify how they can be adapted in potential intervention studies to generate the life and health circumstances that allow older people the benefit of feeling younger.

Awareness of Age-Related Changes Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults: Longitudinal Trajectories, and the Role of Age Stereotypes and Personality Traits

Awareness of Age-Related Change (AARC) describes to what extent people become aware of changes which they attribute to getting older. So far little is known regarding how different AARC dimensions change over time, to what extent these changes in different domains of AARC gains and losses are interrelated, and which predictors account for inter-individual differences in within-person longitudinal trajectories. Specifically, the extent to which individuals perceive age-related gains and losses might be shaped by their chronological age, their personality as well as by their general views on aging (i.e., their age stereotypes). We investigated changes in global and domain-specific AARC gains and losses over about five years in a sample of originally N = 423 participants aged 40 to 98 years at baseline. We analyzed the role of personality traits and age stereotypes for levels and changes of AARC, taking into account participants' age at baseline and controlling for gender, education, and subjective health. Based on longitudinal multilevel regression models, we observed mean-level declines in most AARC gain domains. In contrast, perceived general AARC losses, as well as AARC losses in health and physical functioning, in cognitive functioning and in social-cognitive/socio-emotional functioning remained, on average, stable over time. Baseline scores on AARC gains (global scale) were higher among individuals with higher neuroticism, openness, conscientiousness and more positive age stereotypes. Additionally, the association of higher neuroticism with higher AARC gain scores was stronger among individuals with more positive age stereotypes. Higher neuroticism and more negative age stereotypes also predicted higher baseline scores on AARC losses (global scale). At the same time, higher neuroticism was associated with a steeper decrease in AARC loss perceptions over time. Most of the intercorrelations within the intercepts and within the intra-individual trajectories of the different AARC domains were positive, but small in size. Our findings show the importance of considering trajectories of age-related gains and losses in parallel and across multiple developmental domains when investigating the subjective perception of the aging process. They also suggest that personality traits and general age stereotypes are related with individual experiences of aging.