Call me Alix, not Elix: vowels are more important than consonants in own-name recognition at 5 months

Infants' abilities to segment word forms from spectrally degraded speech in the first year of life

Infants begin to segment word forms from fluent speech-a crucial task in lexical processing-between 4 and 7 months of age. Prior work has established that infants rely on a variety of cues available in the speech signal (i.e., prosodic, statistical, acoustic-segmental, and lexical) to accomplish this task. In two experiments with French-learning 6- and 10-month-olds, we use a psychoacoustic approach to examine if and how degradation of the two fundamental acoustic components extracted from speech by the auditory system, namely, temporal (both frequency and amplitude modulation) and spectral information, impact word form segmentation. Infants were familiarized with passages containing target words, in which frequency modulation (FM) information was replaced with pure tones using a vocoder, while amplitude modulation (AM) was preserved in either 8 or 16 spectral bands. Infants were then tested on their recognition of the target versus novel control words. While the 6-month-olds were unable to segment in either condition, the 10-month-olds succeeded, although only in the 16 spectral band condition. These findings suggest that 6-month-olds need FM temporal cues for speech segmentation while 10-month-olds do not, although they need the AM cues to be presented in enough spectral bands (i.e., 16). This developmental change observed in infants' sensitivity to spectrotemporal cues likely results from an increase in the range of available segmentation procedures, and/or shift from a vowel to a consonant bias in lexical processing between the two ages, as vowels are more affected by our acoustic manipulations. RESEARCH HIGHLIGHTS: Although segmenting speech into word forms is crucial for lexical acquisition, the acoustic information that infants' auditory system extracts to process continuous speech remains unknown. We examined infants' sensitivity to spectrotemporal cues in speech segmentation using vocoded speech, and revealed a developmental change between 6 and 10 months of age. We showed that FM information, that is, the fast temporal modulations of speech, is necessary for 6- but not 10-month-old infants to segment word forms. Moreover, reducing the number of spectral bands impacts 10-month-olds' segmentation abilities, who succeed when 16 bands are preserved, but fail with 8 bands.

Abstract processing of syllabic structures in early infancy

Syllables are one of the fundamental building blocks of early language acquisition. From birth onwards, infants preferentially segment, process and represent the speech into syllable-sized units, raising the question of what type of computations infants are able to perform on these perceptual units. Syllables are abstract units structured in a way that allows grouping phonemes into sequences. The goal of this research was to investigate 4-to-5-month-old infants' ability to encode the internal structure of syllables, at a target age when the language system is not yet specialized on the sounds and the phonotactics of native languages. We conducted two experiments in which infants were first familiarized to lists of syllables implementing either CVC (consonant-vowel-consonant) or CCV (consonant-consonant-vowel) structures, then presented with new syllables implementing both structures at test. Experiments differ in the degree of phonological similarity between the materials used at familiarization and test. Results show that infants were able to differentiate syllabic structures at test, even when test syllables were implemented by combinations of phonemes that infants did not hear before. Only infants familiarized with CVC syllables discriminated the structures at test, pointing to a processing advantage for CVC over CCV structures. This research shows that, in addition to preferentially processing the speech into syllable-sized units, during the first months of life, infants are also capable of performing fine-grained computations within such units.

Exploring audiovisual speech perception in monolingual and bilingual children in Uzbekistan

This study aimed to investigate the development of audiovisual speech perception in monolingual Uzbek-speaking and bilingual Uzbek-Russian-speaking children, focusing on the impact of language experience on audiovisual speech perception and the role of visual phonetic (i.e., mouth movements corresponding to phonetic/lexical information) and temporal (i.e., timing of speech signals) cues. A total of 321 children aged 4 to 10 years in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, discriminated /ba/ and /da/ syllables across three conditions: auditory-only, audiovisual phonetic (i.e., sound accompanied by mouth movements), and audiovisual temporal (i.e., sound onset/offset accompanied by mouth opening/closing). Effects of modality (audiovisual phonetic, audiovisual temporal, or audio-only cues), age, group (monolingual or bilingual), and their interactions were tested using a Bayesian regression model. Overall, older participants performed better than younger participants. Participants performed better in the audiovisual phonetic modality compared with the auditory modality. However, no significant difference between monolingual and bilingual children was observed across all modalities. This finding stands in contrast to earlier studies. We attribute the contrasting findings of our study and the existing literature to the cross-linguistic similarity of the language pairs involved. When the languages spoken by bilinguals exhibit substantial linguistic similarity, there may be an increased necessity to disambiguate speech signals, leading to a greater reliance on audiovisual cues. The limited phonological similarity between Uzbek and Russian might have minimized bilinguals' need to rely on visual speech cues, contributing to the lack of group differences in our study.

The influence of language-specific properties on the role of consonants and vowels in a statistical learning task of an artificial language: A cross-linguistic comparison

The contribution of consonants and vowels in spoken word processing has been widely investigated, and studies have found a phenomenon of a Consonantal bias (C-bias), indicating that consonants carry more weight than vowels. However, across languages, various patterns have been documented, including that of no preference or a reverse pattern of Vowel bias. A central question is how the manifestation of the C-bias is modulated by language-specific factors. This question can be addressed by cross-linguistic studies. Comparing native Hebrew and native English speakers, this study examines the relative importance of transitional probabilities between non-adjacent consonants as opposed to vowels during auditory statistical learning (SL) of an artificial language. Hebrew is interesting because its complex Semitic morphological structure has been found to play a central role in lexical access, allowing us to examine whether morphological properties can modulate the C-bias in early phases of speech perception, namely, word segmentation. As predicted, we found a significant interaction between language and consonant/vowel manipulation, with a higher performance in the consonantal condition than in the vowel condition for Hebrew speakers, namely, C-bias, and no consonant/vowel asymmetry among English speakers. We suggest that the observed interaction is morphologically anchored, indicating that phonological and morphological processes interact during early phases of auditory word perception.

An auditory perspective on phonological development in infancy

Introduction

The auditory system encodes the phonetic features of languages by processing spectro-temporal modulations in speech, which can be described at two time scales: relatively slow amplitude variations over time (AM, further distinguished into the slowest <8-16 Hz and faster components 16-500 Hz), and frequency modulations (FM, oscillating at higher rates about 600-10 kHz). While adults require only the slowest AM cues to identify and discriminate speech sounds, infants have been shown to also require faster AM cues (>8-16 Hz) for similar tasks.

Methods

Using an observer-based psychophysical method, this study measured the ability of typical-hearing 6-month-olds, 10-month-olds, and adults to detect a change in the vowel or consonant features of consonant-vowel syllables when temporal modulations are selectively degraded. Two acoustically degraded conditions were designed, replacing FM cues with pure tones in 32 frequency bands, and then extracting AM cues in each frequency band with two different low-pass cut- off frequencies: (1) half the bandwidth (Fast AM condition), (2) <8 Hz (Slow AM condition).

Results

In the Fast AM condition, results show that with reduced FM cues, 85% of 6-month-olds, 72.5% of 10-month-olds, and 100% of adults successfully categorize phonemes. Among participants who passed the Fast AM condition, 67% of 6-month-olds, 75% of 10-month-olds, and 95% of adults passed the Slow AM condition. Furthermore, across the three age groups, the proportion of participants able to detect phonetic category change did not differ between the vowel and consonant conditions. However, age-related differences were observed for vowel categorization: while the 6- and 10-month-old groups did not differ from one another, they both independently differed from adults. Moreover, for consonant categorization, 10-month-olds were more impacted by acoustic temporal degradation compared to 6-month-olds, and showed a greater decline in detection success rates between the Fast AM and Slow AM conditions.

Discussion

The degradation of FM and faster AM cues (>8 Hz) appears to strongly affect consonant processing at 10 months of age. These findings suggest that between 6 and 10 months, infants show different developmental trajectories in the perceptual weight of speech temporal acoustic cues for vowel and consonant processing, possibly linked to phonological attunement.

Danish 20-month-olds' recognition of familiar words with and without consonant and vowel mispronunciations

Although several studies initially supported the proposal by Nespor et al. (Nespor, Marina, Marcela Peña & Jacques Mehler. 2003. On the different roles of vowels and consonants in speech processing and language acquisition. Lingue e Linguaggio 2. 221-247) that consonants are more informative than vowels in lexical processing, a more complex picture has emerged from recent research. Current evidence suggests that infants initially show a vowel bias in lexical processing and later transition to a consonant bias, possibly depending on the characteristics of the ambient language. Danish infants have shown a vowel bias in word learning at 20 months-an age at which infants learning French or Italian no longer show a vowel bias but rather a consonant bias, and infants learning English show no bias. The present study tested whether Danish 20-month-olds also have a vowel bias when recognizing familiar words. Specifically, using the Intermodal Preferential Looking paradigm, we tested whether Danish infants were more likely to ignore or accept consonant than vowel mispronunciations when matching familiar words with pictures. The infants successfully matched correctly pronounced familiar words with pictures but showed no vowel or consonant bias when matching mispronounced words with pictures. The lack of a bias for Danish vowels or consonants in familiar word recognition adds to evidence that lexical processing biases are language-specific and may additionally depend on developmental age and perhaps task difficulty.

Maturation of consonant perception, but not vowel perception, predicts lexical skills at 12 months

Consonants and vowels differentially contribute to lexical acquisition. From 8 months on, infants' preferential reliance on consonants has been shown to predict their lexical outcome. Here, the predictive value of German-learning infants' (n = 58, 29 girls, 29 boys) trajectories of consonant and vowel perception, indicated by the electrophysiological mismatch response, across 2, 6, and 10 months for later lexical acquisition was studied. The consonant-perception trajectory from 2 to 6 months (β = -2.95) and 6 to 10 months (β = -.91), but not the vowel-perception trajectory, significantly predicted receptive vocabulary at 12 months. These results reveal an earlier predictive value of consonant perception for word learning than previously found, and a particular role of the longitudinal maturation of this skill in lexical acquisition.

Talker variability shapes early word representations in English-learning 8-month-olds

Infants must form appropriately specific representations of how words sound and what they mean. Previous research suggests that while 8-month-olds are learning words, they struggle with recognizing different-sounding instances of words (e.g., from new talkers) and with rejecting incorrect pronunciations. We asked how adding talker variability during learning may change infants' ability to learn and recognize words. Monolingual English-learning 7- to 9-month-olds heard a single novel word paired with an object in either a "no variability," "within-talker variability," or "between-talker variability" habituation. We then tested whether infants formed appropriately specific representations by changing the talker (Experiment 1a) or mispronouncing the word (Experiment 2) and by changing the trained word or object altogether (both experiments). Talker variability influenced learning. Infants trained with no-talker variability learned the word-object link, but failed to recognize the word trained by a new talker, and were insensitive to the mispronunciation. Infants trained with talker variability dishabituated only to the new object, exhibiting difficulty forming the word-object link. Neither pattern is adult-like. Results are reported for both in-lab and Zoom participants. Implications for the role of talker variability in early word learning are discussed.

Infants exploit vowels to label objects and actions from continuous audiovisual stimuli

Before the 6-months of age, infants succeed to learn words associated with objects and actions when the words are presented isolated or embedded in short utterances. It remains unclear whether such type of learning occurs from fluent audiovisual stimuli, although in natural environments the fluent audiovisual contexts are the default. In 4 experiments, we evaluated if 8-month-old infants could learn word-action and word-object associations from fluent audiovisual streams when the words conveyed either vowel or consonant harmony, two phonological cues that benefit word learning near 6 and 12 months of age, respectively. We found that infants learned both types of words, but only when the words contained vowel harmony. Because object- and action-words have been conceived as rudimentary representations of nouns and verbs, our results suggest that vowels contribute to shape the initial steps of the learning of lexical categories in preverbal infants.

The ontogeny of early language discrimination: Beyond rhythm

Infants can discriminate languages that belong to different rhythmic classes at birth. The ability to perform within-class discrimination emerges around the fifth month of life. The cues that infants use to discriminate between prosodically close languages remain elusive. Segmental information could be a potential cue, since infants notice vowel mispronunciations of their names, show the first signs of word recognition and the first signs of perceptual narrowing for vowels around 6 months of age. If infants have in place some proto-segmental information, most likely it is about vowels. Another potential cue infants may use to discriminate languages is intonation. We tested participants using sentences in Eastern Catalan, Western Catalan and Spanish. The two Catalan dialects and Spanish belong to the same rhythmic class, they are syllable-timed, but they differ in terms of vowel distribution, given that only Eastern Catalan has vocalic reduction. The vowel distributions of Western Catalan and Spanish are more comparable. However, they differ in terms of their intonational patterns. In Experiment 1, we tested the ability of 4.5-month-old infants learning Eastern Catalan and/or Spanish to discriminate between sentences in Eastern and Western Catalan and in Experiment 2 their ability to discriminate between sentences in Western Catalan and Spanish. In order to disentangle the contribution of segmental and suprasegmental information, we also tested infants using low-pass filtered sentences in the two dialects (Experiment 3) and low-pass filtered sentences in Western Catalan and Spanish (Experiment 4). Infants discriminated the two Catalan dialects only when the stimuli were natural sentences, whereas they were able to discriminate between Western Catalan and Spanish when the stimuli were either natural or low-pass filtered sentences. The research also provides evidence of equivalent language discrimination abilities in infants growing up in monolingual and bilingual environments.

When Too Many Vowels Impede Language Processing: An Eye-Tracking Study of Danish-Learning Children

Research has suggested that Danish-learning children lag behind in early language acquisition. The phenomenon has been attributed to the opaque phonetic structure of Danish, which features an unusually large number of non-consonantal sounds (i.e., vowels and semivowels/glides). The large number of vocalic sounds in speech is thought to provide fewer cues to word segmentation and to make language processing harder, thus hindering the acquisition process. In this study, we explored whether the presence of vocalic sounds at word boundaries impedes real-time speech processing in 24-month-old Danish-learning children, compared to word boundaries that are marked by consonantal sounds. Using eye-tracking, we tested children's real-time comprehension of known consonant-initial and vowel-initial words when presented in either a consonant-final carrier phrase or in a vowel-final carrier phrase, thus resulting in the four boundary types C#C, C#V, V#C, and V#V. Our results showed that the presence of vocalic sounds around a word boundary-especially before-impedes processing of Danish child-directed sentences.

Variation in phonological bias: Bias for vowels, rather than consonants or tones in lexical processing by Cantonese-learning toddlers

Consonants and vowels have been considered to fulfill different functions in language processing, vowels being more important for prosodic and syntactic processes and consonants for lexically related processes (Nespor, Peña, & Mehler, 2003). This C-bias hypothesis in lexical processing is supported by studies with adults and infants in many languages such as English, French, Spanish, although a few studies, on Danish and Mandarin, suggest the existence of cross-linguistic variation. The present study explores whether a C-bias exists in a tone language with a complex tone system, Cantonese, by comparing the relative weight given to consonants, vowels, and also tones during word learning. To do so, looking behaviors of Cantonese-learning 20- and 30-month-olds (24 children per age/condition, 6 groups) were recorded by an eyetracker while they watched animated cartoons in Cantonese to learn pairs of novel words. The words differed minimally by either a consonant (e.g., /tœ6/ vs. /kœ6/), a vowel (e.g., /k^him3/ vs. /k^hɛm3/), or a tone (e.g., T2 vs. T5). Analyses on proportional looking times revealed significant learning in 30-month-olds only, and at that age, only for the vowel contrasts. Growth curve analyses revealed better performance for the vowel condition compared to the other two conditions. The present findings establish a V-bias in Cantonese-learning 30-month-olds, adding new evidence from that tone language that the C-bias in lexical processing is not language-general. Implications for theoretical discussions on the origins of this phonological bias, and the impact of tones in early language acquisition, are discussed.

The role of linguistic experience in the development of the consonant bias

Consonants and vowels play different roles in speech perception: listeners rely more heavily on consonant information rather than vowel information when distinguishing between words. This reliance on consonants for word identification is the consonant bias Nespor et al. (Ling 2:203-230, 2003). Several factors modulate infants' development of the consonant bias, including fine-grained temporal processing ability and native language exposure [for review, see Nazzi et al. (Curr Direct Psychol Sci 25:291-296, 2016)]. A rat model demonstrated that mature fine-grained temporal processing alone cannot account for consonant bias emergence; linguistic exposure is also necessary Bouchon and Toro (An Cog 22:839-850, 2019). This study tested domestic dogs, who have similarly fine-grained temporal processing but more language exposure than rats, to assess whether a minimal lexicon and small degree of regular linguistic exposure can allow for consonant bias development. Dogs demonstrated a vowel bias rather than a consonant bias, preferring their own name over a vowel-mispronounced version of their name, but not in comparison to a consonant-mispronounced version. This is the pattern seen in young infants Bouchon et al. (Dev Sci 18:587-598, 2015) and rats Bouchon et al. (An Cog 22:839-850, 2019). In a follow-up study, dogs treated a consonant-mispronounced version of their name similarly to their actual name, further suggesting that dogs do not treat consonant differences as meaningful for word identity. These results support the findings from Bouchon and Toro (An Cog 2:839-850, 2019), suggesting that there may be a default preference for vowel information over consonant information when identifying word forms, and that the consonant bias may be a human-exclusive tool for language learning.

Emergence of a consonant bias during the first year of life: New evidence from own-name recognition

Recent evidence suggests that during the first year of life, a preference for consonant information during lexical processing (consonant bias) emerges, at least for some languages like French. Our study investigated the factors involved in this emergence as well as the developmental consequences for variation in consonant bias emergence. In a series of experiments, we measured 5-, 8-, and 11-month-old French-learning infants orientation times to a consonant or vowel mispronunciation of their own name, which is one of the few word forms familiar to infants at this young age. Both 5- and 8-month-olds oriented longer to vowel mispronunciations, but 11-month-olds showed a different pattern, initially orienting longer to consonant mispronunciations. We interpret these results as further evidence of an initial vowel bias, with consonant bias emergence by 11 months. Neither acoustic-phonetic nor lexical factors predicted preferences in 8- and 11-month-olds. Finally, counter to our predictions, a vowel bias at the time of test for 11-month-olds was related to later productive vocabulary outcomes.

Individual Differences in Mothers' Spontaneous Infant-Directed Speech Predict Language Attainment in Children With Cochlear Implants

Purpose Differences across language environments of prelingually deaf children who receive cochlear implants (CIs) may affect language acquisition; yet, whether mothers show individual differences in how they modify infant-directed (ID) compared with adult-directed (AD) speech has seldom been studied. This study assessed individual differences in how mothers realized speech modifications in ID register and whether these predicted differences in language outcomes for children with CIs. Method Participants were 36 dyads of mothers and their children aged 0;8-2;5 (years;months) at the time of CI implantation. Mothers' spontaneous speech was recorded in a lab setting in ID or AD conditions before ~15 months postimplantation. Mothers' speech samples were characterized for acoustic-phonetic and lexical properties established as canonical indices of ID speech to typically hearing infants, such as vowel space area differences, fundamental frequency variability, and speech rate. Children with CIs completed longitudinal administrations of one or more standardized language assessment instruments at variable intervals from 6 months to 9.5 years postimplantation. Standardized scores on assessments administered longitudinally were used to calculate linear regressions, which gave rise to predicted language scores for children at 2 years postimplantation and language growth over 2-year intervals. Results Mothers showed individual differences in how they modified speech in ID versus AD registers. Crucially, these individual differences significantly predicted differences in estimated language outcomes at 2 years postimplantation in children with CIs. Maternal speech variation in lexical quantity and vowel space area differences across ID and AD registers most frequently predicted estimates of language attainment in children with CIs, whereas prosodic differences played a minor role. Conclusion Results support that caregiver language behaviors play a substantial role in explaining variability in language attainment in children receiving CIs. Supplemental Material https://doi.org/10.23641/asha.12560147.

The development of auditory functions

Typical development and maturation of the auditory system, at both the peripheral and central levels, is essential for the acquisition of speech, language, and auditory skills. The peripheral system generally encodes three basic parameters associated with auditory stimuli-time, frequency, and intensity. These acoustic cues are subsequently processed by the central auditory structures to reach and be perceived by the cerebral cortex. Observations of the human fetal and neonatal ear indicate that the peripheral auditory system is structurally and functionally adult-like at birth. In contrast, the central auditory system exhibits progressive anatomical and physiologic changes until early adulthood. Enriched experience with sound is fundamental and critical to auditory development. The absence of early and prolonged acoustic stimulation delays neuronal maturation, affecting the central auditory nervous system, in particular, and leading to atypical development. The present chapter reviews the various stages of development of the auditory system structures, especially the embryology of the human ear, before briefly presenting the trajectories of typical development of auditory abilities from infants to school-aged children.

Is the consonant bias specifically human? Long-Evans rats encode vowels better than consonants in words

In natural languages, vowels tend to convey structures (syntax, prosody) while consonants are more important lexically. The consonant bias, which is the tendency to rely more on consonants than on vowels to process words, is well attested in human adults and infants after the first year of life. Is the consonant bias based on evolutionarily ancient mechanisms, potentially present in other species? The current study investigated this issue in a species phylogenetically distant from humans: Long-Evans rats. During training, the animals were presented with four natural word-forms (e.g., mano, "hand"). We then compared their responses to novel words carrying either a consonant (pano) or a vowel change (meno). Results show that the animals were less disrupted by consonantal alterations than by vocalic alterations of words. That is, word recognition was more affected by the alteration of a vowel than a consonant. Together with previous findings in very young human infants, this reliance on vocalic information we observe in rats suggests that the emergence of the consonant bias may require a combination of vocal, cognitive and auditory skills that rodents do not seem to possess.

Was that my name? Infants' listening in conversational multi-talker backgrounds

This study tested infants' ability to segregate target speech from a background of ecologically valid multi-talker speech at a 10 dB SNR. Using the Headturn Preference Procedure, 72 English-learning 5-, 9-, and 12-month-old monolinguals were tested on their ability to detect and perceive their own name. At all three ages infants were able to detect the presence of the target speech, but only at 9 months did they show sensitivity to the phonetic details that distinguished their own name from other names. These results extend previous findings on infants' speech perception in noise to more naturalistic forms of background speech.

Young Infants' Word Comprehension Given An Unfamiliar Talker or Altered Pronunciations

To understand spoken words, listeners must appropriately interpret co-occurring talker characteristics and speech sound content. This ability was tested in 6- to 14-months-olds by measuring their looking to named food and body part images. In the new talker condition (n = 90), pictures were named by an unfamiliar voice; in the mispronunciation condition (n = 98), infants' mothers "mispronounced" the words (e.g., nazz for nose). Six- to 7-month-olds fixated target images above chance across conditions, understanding novel talkers, and mothers' phonologically deviant speech equally. Eleven- to 14-months-olds also understood new talkers, but performed poorly with mispronounced speech, indicating sensitivity to phonological deviation. Between these ages, performance was mixed. These findings highlight the changing roles of acoustic and phonetic variability in early word comprehension, as infants learn which variations alter meaning.

Adult Learning of Novel Words in a Non-native Language: Consonants, Vowels, and Tones

While words are distinguished primarily by consonants and vowels in many languages, tones are also used in the majority of the world's languages to cue lexical contrasts. However, studies on novel word learning have largely concentrated on consonants and vowels. To shed more light on the use of tonal information in novel word learning and its relationship with the development of phonological categories, the present study explored how adults' ability to learn minimal pair pseudowords in a tone language is modulated by their native phonological knowledge. Twenty-four adult speakers of three languages were tested: Cantonese, Mandarin, and French. Eye-tracking was used to record eye movements of these learners, while they were watching animated cartoons in Cantonese. On each trial, adults had to learn two new label-object associations, while the labels differed minimally by a consonant, a vowel, or a tone. Learning would therefore attest to participants' ability to use phonological information to distinguish the paired words. Results first revealed that adult learners in each language group performed better than chance in all conditions. Moreover, compared to native Cantonese adults, both Mandarin- and French-speaking adults performed worse on all three contrasts. In addition, French adults were worse on tones when compared to Mandarin adults. Lastly, no advantage for consonantal information in native lexical processing was found for Cantonese-speaking adults as predicted by the “division of labor” proposal, thus confirming crosslinguistic differences in consonant/vowel weight between speakers of tonal vs. non-tonal languages. These findings establish rapid novel word learning in a non-native language (long-term learning will have to be further assessed), modulated by native phonological knowledge. The implications of the findings of this adult study for further infant word learning studies are discussed.

The consonant bias in word learning is not determined by position within the word: Evidence from vowel-initial words

The current study used an object manipulation task to explore whether infants rely more on consonant information than on vowel information when learning new words even when the words start with a vowel. Canadian French-learning 20-month-olds, who were taught pairs of new vowel-initial words contrasted either on their initial vowel (opsi/eupsi) or following consonant (oupsa/outsa), were found to have learned the words only in the consonant condition and performed significantly better in the consonant condition than in the vowel condition. These results extend to Canadian French-learning infants the consonant bias in word learning previously found in French-learning infants from France and, crucially, shows that vocalic information has less weight than consonant information in new word learning even when it is the initial sound of the target words, confirming the consonant bias at the lexical level postulated by Nespor et al. (2003). The current findings also suggest that French-learning infants are able to segment vowel-initial words as early as 20 months of age.

Consonant and Vowel Processing in Word Form Segmentation: An Infant ERP Study

Segmentation skill and the preferential processing of consonants (C-bias) develop during the second half of the first year of life and it has been proposed that these facilitate language acquisition. We used Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) to investigate the neural bases of early word form segmentation, and of the early processing of onset consonants, medial vowels, and coda consonants, exploring how differences in these early skills might be related to later language outcomes. Our results with French-learning eight-month-old infants primarily support previous studies that found that the word familiarity effect in segmentation is developing from a positive to a negative polarity at this age. Although as a group infants exhibited an anterior-localized negative effect, inspection of individual results revealed that a majority of infants showed a negative-going response (Negative Responders), while a minority showed a positive-going response (Positive Responders). Furthermore, all infants demonstrated sensitivity to onset consonant mispronunciations, while Negative Responders demonstrated a lack of sensitivity to vowel mispronunciations, a developmental pattern similar to previous literature. Responses to coda consonant mispronunciations revealed neither sensitivity nor lack of sensitivity. We found that infants showing a more mature, negative response to newly segmented words compared to control words (evaluating segmentation skill) and mispronunciations (evaluating phonological processing) at test also had greater growth in word production over the second year of life than infants showing a more positive response. These results establish a relationship between early segmentation skills and phonological processing (not modulated by the type of mispronunciation) and later lexical skills.

Infant-directed speech (IDS) vowel clarity and child language outcomes

There have been many studies examining the differences between infant-directed speech (IDS) and adult-directed speech (ADS). However, investigations asking whether mothers clarify vowel articulation in IDS have reached equivocal findings. Moreover, it is unclear whether maternal speech clarification has any effect on a child's developing language skills. This study examined vowel clarification in mothers' IDS at 0;10-11, 1;6, and 2;0, as compared to their vowel production in ADS. Relationships between vowel space, vowel duration, and vowel variability and child language outcomes at two years were also explored. Results show that vowel space and vowel duration tended to be greater in IDS than in ADS, and that one measure of vowel clarity, a mother's vowel space at 1;6, was significantly related to receptive as well as expressive child language outcomes at two years of age.

Semantic Specificity in One-Year-Olds' Word Comprehension

The present study investigated infants' knowledge about familiar nouns. Infants (n = 46, 12-20-month-olds) saw two-image displays of familiar objects, or one familiar and one novel object. Infants heard either a matching word (e.g. "foot' when seeing foot and juice), a related word (e.g. "sock" when seeing foot and juice) or a nonce word (e.g. "fep" when seeing a novel object and dog). Across the whole sample, infants reliably fixated the referent on matching and nonce trials. On the critical related trials we found increasingly less looking to the incorrect (but related) image with age. These results suggest that one-year-olds look at familiar objects both when they hear them labeled and when they hear related labels, to similar degrees, but over the second year increasingly rely on semantic fit. We suggest that infants' initial semantic representations are imprecise, and continue to sharpen over the second postnatal year.

The Developmental Origins of the Consonant Bias in Lexical Processing

Consonants have been proposed to carry more of the weight of lexical processing than vowels. This consonant bias has consistently been found in adults and has been proposed to facilitate early language acquisition. We explore the origins of this bias over the course of development and in infants learning different languages. Although the consonant bias was originally thought to be present at birth, evidence suggests that it arises from the early stages of phonological and (pre-)lexical acquisition. We discuss two theories that account for the acquisition of the consonant bias: the lexical and acoustic-phonetic hypotheses.

Vowels, then consonants: Early bias switch in recognizing segmented word forms

The division of labor hypothesis proposed by Nespor, Peña, and Mehler (2003) postulates that consonants are more important than vowels in lexical processing (when learning and recognizing words). This consonant bias (C-bias) is supported by many adult and toddler studies. However, some cross-linguistic variation has been found in toddlerhood, and various hypotheses have been proposed to account for the origin of the consonant bias, which make distinct predictions regarding its developmental trajectory during the first year of life. The present study evaluated these hypotheses by investigating the consonant bias in young French-learning infants, a language in which a consistent consonant bias is reported from 11months of age onward. Accordingly, in a series of word form segmentation experiments building on the fact that both 6- and 8-month-old French-learning infants can segment monosyllabic words, we investigated the relative impact of consonant and vowel mispronunciations on the recognition of segmented word forms at these two ages. Infants were familiarized with passages containing monosyllabic target words and then tested in different conditions all including consonant and/or vowel mispronunciations of the target words. Overall, our findings reveal a consonant bias at 8months, but an opposite vowel bias at 6months. These findings first establish that the consonant bias emerges between 6 and 8months of age in French-learning infants. Second, we discuss the factors that might explain such a developmental trajectory, highlighting the possible roles of pre-lexical and phonological acquisition.

Something Old, Something New

Infants face the paramount task of learning a language. Here, I review recent literature on two separate topics that suggest they use a combination of both evolutionarily old and new cognitive tools to face this task. Research on the principles that guide how humans and nonhuman animals group sequences of sounds has shown that we share with other species perceptual biases that we apply to linguistic stimuli. On the contrary, research on processing differences between consonants and vowels suggests humans, but not other animals, benefit from a “division of labor” across phonological representations. This division would help to extract regularities from the speech signal and facilitate language learning. The studies reviewed here provide support for the idea that perceptual biases together with language-specific representations guide the discovery of linguistic structures.

Consonant/vowel asymmetry in early word form recognition

Previous preferential listening studies suggest that 11-month-olds' early word representations are phonologically detailed, such that minor phonetic variations (i.e., mispronunciations) impair recognition. However, these studies focused on infants' sensitivity to mispronunciations (or omissions) of consonants, which have been proposed to be more important for lexical identity than vowels. Even though a lexically related consonant advantage has been consistently found in French from 14 months of age onward, little is known about its developmental onset. The current study asked whether French-learning 11-month-olds exhibit a consonant-vowel asymmetry when recognizing familiar words, which would be reflected in vowel mispronunciations being more tolerated than consonant mispronunciations. In a baseline experiment (Experiment 1), infants preferred listening to familiar words over nonwords, confirming that at 11 months of age infants show a familiarity effect rather than a novelty effect. In Experiment 2, which was constructed using the familiar words of Experiment 1, infants preferred listening to one-feature vowel mispronunciations over one-feature consonant mispronunciations. Given the familiarity preference established in Experiment 1, this pattern of results suggests that recognition of early familiar words is more dependent on their consonants than on their vowels. This adds another piece of evidence that, at least in French, consonants already have a privileged role in lexical processing by 11 months of age, as claimed by Nespor, Peña, and Mehler (2003).