Subjective age correlates: a research note

Correlates of felt age in caregivers of people with dementia: findings from the IDEAL study

Objective

Family relationships influence how people appraise their own aging and how their appraisals impact their health. We analyzed felt age (FA) among family caregivers of people with dementia.

Methods and measures

We used a stratified sample of 1,020 spousal and 202 adult-child caregivers from the IDEAL study. We estimated cross-sectional associations and bidirectional influences between caregivers' FA and their health and wellbeing (depression, number of health conditions, stress, positive aspects of caregiving) over 2 years.

Results

Among spousal caregivers, 25% had a younger FA and 36% had an older FA. Among adult-child caregivers, 21.8% had a younger FA and 36.1% had an older FA. In spousal and adult-child caregivers an older FA was cross-sectionally associated with higher depression, number of health conditions, and stress, and fewer positive aspects of caregiving. In spousal caregivers, hours of care per day moderated the association between FA and depression, and FA was associated with stress 1 year later.

Conclusion

Caregiving may impact FA and its relationship with health. We urge continued research on the connections between caregiving and FA, and how interventions might support caregivers' positive views on their own aging, which will translate views on aging scholarship to meaningfully improve caregivers' lives.

Is a Positive Intergenerational Workplace Climate Associated with Better Self-Perceived Aging and Workplace Outcomes? A Cross-Sectional Study of a Representative Sample of the Danish Working Population

The aim of this study was to determine the association between intergenerational workplace climate (attitudes, feelings, and perceptions about workers of different ages in the workplace) and self-perceived aging, work engagement, and turnover intention. A cross-sectional study was conducted via an online survey including answers from a representative sample of 1571 individuals aged 18-74 years, living and working in Denmark. In line with our hypotheses, we found that a more positive intergenerational workplace climate was related to a better self-perceived aging as well as to more work engagement and less turnover intention. In addition, we found that these associations were similar in all age groups. The findings point to the potential benefits of initiatives aimed at strengthening the intergenerational climate in workplaces.

"I'm Too Old for That": The Role of Ageism and Sexual Dysfunctional Beliefs in Sexual Health in a Sample of Heterosexual and LGB Older Adults: A Pilot Study

The role of ageism (i.e., discrimination against individuals or groups on the basis of their age), in particular toward the sexuality of the elderly, remains, to date, an overlooked issue. A few studies have suggested that ageistic stereotypes can negatively affect older adults' sexual health. No data are available, in particular, about differences among heterosexual and LGB (lesbian, gay, and bisexual) populations. The present study aimed to investigate differences in perceived ageism and related dysfunctional beliefs in a sample of heterosexual (n = 104) and LGB (n = 103) older adults (aged 55 or older; mean age 66.5) and their impact on sexual health and satisfaction. LGB individuals reported higher rates of masturbation and sexual intercourse and an increased quality of sexual activity as compared to heterosexuals. In addition, no differences between the groups emerged as regards perceived ageism and dysfunctional beliefs toward ageing. In conclusion, LGB individuals perceived more ageism toward sexuality than their counterparts; however, heterosexuals were more likely to have dysfunctional beliefs toward sexuality in ageing. The study findings highlight the significance of examining sexual orientation to understand experiences of sexuality in ageing of the growing older population. Renewed socio-educational efforts based on these data are clearly needed.

A study on the factors influencing old age identity among the Chinese elderly

Background

Old age identity is the self-perception of when old age begins, reflects public age values and acceptance of aging. Not all elderly people aged 60 and above identify with their old age status. The aging society in the traditional sense may not be "aging". Therefore, redefining old age is crucial. Different from Western countries, China is a country with a long-standing culture of respect for the elderly and filial piety norms, and the influence of the cultural background on the old age identity is worthy of attention.

Data and method

Data were drawn from the 2014 China Longitudinal Aging Social Survey (CLASS). A total of 7400 participants answered questions about old age identity. Based on old age identity, we obtained two other types of indicators of perceived old age: elderly group identity and aging degree. For the continuous variable old age identity and aging degree, an OLS linear regression model was established. A binary logistic regression model was established for the binary variable elderly group identity.

Result

The average old age identity of Chinese people aged 60 and above is 70 years. Health status, psychological status, behavior, socioeconomic status, and some demographic characteristics significantly affect the old age identity of the Chinese elderly.

Conclusion

The traditional Chinese cultural background of respect for the elderly and the norms of filial piety have an impact on the old age identity of the Chinese elderly through family intergenerational support. The various forms of support provided by children to the elderly can help them achieve a positive age identity-enter old age later, raise the likelihood of identification with non-elderly groups, and reduce aging degree. The number of children of the elderly, the children's economic conditions and care support for grandchildren have negative effects. A positive old age identity can help the elderly improve their self-esteem.

Does grandchild care affect ageing satisfaction? Findings based on a nationally representative longitudinal study

Objective

This study seeks to explore the association between grandchild care and Attitudes Towards Own Ageing, assessing whether the commencement of, or ceasing, grandchild care is associated with changes in grandparents’ perspectives on ageing.

Methods

Longitudinal data were drawn from a population-based sample of community-dwelling individuals aged ≥40 years in Germany. The Attitudes Toward Own Ageing subscale of the Philadelphia Geriatric Center Moral Scale (PGCMS) was used to measure Attitudes Towards Own Ageing. To determine whether respondents provided grandchild care, respondents were asked “I’d now like to go on to learn more about your activities and pastimes. Do you supervise other people’s children privately, e.g. your grandchildren, or the children of siblings, neighbors, friends or acquaintances?” Symmetric and asymmetric linear fixed effects regressions were used to assess within-person changes longitudinally.

Results

No statistically significant association between providing care for grandchildren and Attitudes Towards Own Ageing was found. Significant associations were found between Attitudes Towards Own Ageing and employment status. Namely, retirement was associated with more positive Attitudes Towards Own Ageing (β = 0.57, p < .001), as was not being employed (β = 0.57, p < .001). A significant association between self-rated health and Attitudes Towards Own Ageing was also found (β = -0.06, p < .001), with poorer self-rated health associated with more negative Attitudes Towards Own Ageing.

Conclusion

Our findings suggest that undertaking grandchild care does not shape Attitudes Towards Own Ageing. As our findings did not align with existing evidence on the associations between grandchild caregiving and measures of subjective ageing, further research is required.

Socioeconomic Inequalities in Mortality After Age 67: The Contribution of Psychological Factors

Diverging trends of longer lives and increased inequalities in age-at-death invite to updated research on late-life mortality. Earlier studies have identified health behavior, childhood, psychosocial, and material conditions as key determinants of life expectancy, but the role of psychological factors remains a topic of debate. The current study is framed in a life course developmental perspective and assesses the mediating role of secondary control strategies (subjective age) and primary control capacity (perceived control) to socioeconomic (wealth and education) inequality in mortality after age 67. Data are derived from the second wave of the Norwegian Life Course, Ageing and Generation study (N=1,432 and age 67–85). All in all, 366 deaths were observed over a mean follow-up of 9.6years. Perceived control was measured by the Pearlin and Schooler Mastery Scale. SA was measured with proportional discrepancy scores in felt age and ideal age. Stepwise Cox proportional hazards regression analyses were conducted to analyze the relative contribution of SES (education and accumulated wealth), felt age, and ideal age discrepancies and perceived control on 11-year mortality. Findings show that lower levels of wealth and perceived control independently predict increased elderly mortality over an 11-year period. Feeling younger and smaller ideal age discrepancies are positively associated with perceived control, but do not account for additional variability in longevity among older adults. Findings add to the interdisciplinary field of socioeconomic inequalities in elderly mortality and underline the specific importance of structural conditions (wealth) and the continued importance of (perceived) primary control capacity for longevity also after age 67. Future research may assess in more detail how wealth and perceived control complement each other in contributing to healthy aging and longevity, for example, by longitudinal research including the role of significant life events in the second half of life in different welfare state contexts.

Aging in Context: Incorporating Everyday Experiences Into the Study of Subjective Age

The age that a person feels is a strong predictor of their well-being and long-term health, beyond chronological age, showing that people have a self-awareness that provides insight into their aging process. It appears this insight has broad implications for a person's everyday life and functioning. One's subjective age is shaped by metacognitive beliefs about aging, including both expectations about typical changes but most notably the awareness and interpretation of personal experiences. Subjective age has been described as multidimensional, aligning with life domains such as cognitive, social, and physical functioning. This perspective, coupled with laboratory studies that manipulate subjective age, suggests that situational context has an important role in determining the age a person feels. Here we review literature on subjective age with a focus on how research and theoretical perspectives should be adapted to integrate momentary experiences. We propose a contextual model that will help discriminate the links between situational influences and subjective age, as well as resulting behaviors that impact health and well-being. While most research has considered subjective age to be a relatively stable variable, we provide a novel account of how daily life offers a variety of situational contexts and experiences that directly impact the age a person feels at a given moment. We propose that studying moment-to-moment context is a critical next step in understanding the associations between subjective age, lifestyle choices, and health outcomes.

Becoming a Grandparent and Its Effect on Well-Being: The Role of Order of Transitions, Time, and Gender

Objectives

Although the majority of older people are grandparents, little is known on whether and how the transition into grandparenthood affects their well-being. Moreover, evidence on whether the order of the transition, the time since grandchild’s birth, and the sociodemographic characteristics of the offspring modify the grandparental well-being is scarce. Taking into account these factors, our study examines the association between becoming a grandparent and subsequent well-being.

Methods

Our study is based on grandparents aged 50 and older from Waves 4–6 of the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe. Using longitudinal analyses, we investigate associations between becoming a grandparent and subsequent life satisfaction, positive affect, and depression controlling for demographic and socioeconomic factors as well as health and well-being at baseline. Furthermore, we explore the role of modifying factors such as whether the grandchild was first-born, the time since transition, and sociodemographic characteristics of the offspring who became a parent.

Results

Becoming a grandparent has a positive effect on well-being only among women who became grandmothers for the first time and via their daughters. Moreover, this effect is particularly strong in the proximity of the birth of the grandchild. No effects were found among first-time grandfathers. Having an additional grandchild does not affect well-being of grandparents, regardless of the offspring’s characteristics.

Discussion

Transitioning to grandparenthood per se does not affect well-being. More research is needed to further investigate if interpersonal relationships and changes in roles triggered by becoming a grandparent could help promote well-being in later life.

Changes in Subjective Age During COVID-19

BACKGROUND AND OBJECTIVES

To examine the change in subjective age with the emergence of coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19). Two competing hypotheses were tested: (a) people felt increasingly older due to the stress generated by the pandemic and (b) people felt increasingly younger due to psychological distancing from older age, a vulnerability to COVID-19.

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODS

An age- and sex-stratified sample of adults from across the United States (baseline N = 3,738) was assessed on 3 occasions: before the COVID-19 outbreak in late January/early February and during the outbreak in late March and again in late April. Multilevel modeling analysis examined the change in subjective age and tested potential moderators of individual differences in the trajectory of subjective age.

RESULTS

The average trajectory of subjective age followed a concave curve, with a nadir (feeling younger) during the second assessment in late March. Older age, negative expectations about aging, absence of preexisting conditions, and less stress during COVID-19 were associated with feeling younger but did not predict the rate of change. The only significant predictor of change in subjective age was the belief that the "coronavirus is only a threat to older adults": The more individuals agreed with this statement, the more likely it was that they felt increasingly younger at follow-up.

DISCUSSION AND IMPLICATIONS

Subjective age changed during a global health crisis, with people feeling younger with the emergence of COVID-19. The findings support the hypothesis that subjective age partly reflects a coping process of psychological distancing from older age, the age group most vulnerable to COVID-19.

PsychoAge and SubjAge: development of deep markers of psychological and subjective age using artificial intelligence

Aging clocks that accurately predict human age based on various biodata types are among the most important recent advances in biogerontology. Since 2016 multiple deep learning solutions have been created to interpret facial photos, omics data, and clinical blood parameters in the context of aging. Some of them have been patented to be used in commercial settings. However, psychological changes occurring throughout the human lifespan have been overlooked in the field of “deep aging clocks”.

In this paper, we present two deep learning predictors trained on social and behavioral data from Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study: (a) PsychoAge, which predicts chronological age, and (b) SubjAge, which describes personal aging rate perception. Using 50 distinct features from the MIDUS dataset these models have achieved a mean absolute error of 6.7 years for chronological age and 7.3 years for subjective age. We also show that both PsychoAge and SubjAge are predictive of all-cause mortality risk, with SubjAge being a more significant risk factor.

Both clocks contain actionable features that can be modified using social and behavioral interventions, which enables a variety of aging-related psychology experiment designs. The features used in these clocks are interpretable by human experts and may prove to be useful in shifting personal perception of aging towards a mindset that promotes productive and healthy behaviors.

Psychological aging, depression, and well-being

Aging is a multifactorial process, which affects the human body on every level and results in both biological and psychological changes. Multiple studies have demonstrated that a lower subjective age is associated with better mental and physical health, cognitive functions, well-being and satisfaction with life. In this work we propose a list of non-modifiable and modifiable factors that may possibly be influenced by subjective age and its changes across an individual's lifespan. These factors can be used for a future development of individual psychological aging clocks, which may be utilized as a sensitive measure for health status and overall life satisfaction. Furthermore, recent progress in artificial intelligence and biomarkers of biological aging have enabled scientists to discover and evaluate the efficacy of potential aging- and disease-modifying drugs and interventions. We propose that biomarkers of psychological age, which are just as important as those for biological age, may likewise be used for these purposes. Indeed, these two types of markers complement one another. We foresee the development of a broad range of parametric and deep psychological and biopsychological aging clocks, which may have implications for drug development and therapeutic interventions, and thus healthcare and other industries.

Differential associations between subjective age and depressive symptoms among urban and rural Chinese older adults

Objectives: Little research has investigated the prospective association between subjective-aging-perception and depressive symptoms in Chinese older adults. The aim of this study is to evaluate the differential associations of feeling old with depressive symptoms among urban and rural community-dwelling Chinese older adults using panel data drawn from two waves of nationally representative surveys.Method: We conducted secondary data analysis and utilized the data of 5,685 urban and 5,612 rural community-dwelling older adults aged 60 years and above who participated in both the 2006 and the 2010 Sample Survey on the Aged Population in Urban/Rural China (SSAPUR). A single-item measure of subjective age was used to distinguish between feeling old and feeling not old.Results: Ordinary least regression analyses indicated that the longitudinal effect of subjective age on depressive symptoms existed only in the urban sample (p<.001) but not in the rural sample and that feeling not old was related to less depressive symptoms in the urban sample, after controlling for baseline measures of depressive symptoms and sociodemographic and health factors.Conclusion: This study provides new longitudinal evidence of the impact of subjective age on depression among Chinese older individuals. The findings provide useful information for depression interventions among urban older Chinese individuals.

The reciprocal temporal associations between subjective age and social relations in adult day care centers over a one-year period

Objectives:

The present study evaluated the reciprocal temporal associations between one’s subjective age (or felt age) and one’s social relations in the adult day care center (ADCC) over two waves of data collection, spread about 1 year apart.

Method:

Participants from four ADCCs in Israel were approached in 2017 and repeatedly, in 2018 ( N = 224 in Wave 1 and N = 259 in Wave 2). The ADCC social network included both outgoing ties of familiar relationships with other ADCC members as reported by the respondent (out-degree centrality) and ingoing ties, based on reports of other ADCC members who were familiar with the respondent (in-degree centrality).

Results:

Out-degree and in-degree centrality at baseline were not associated with change in subjective age. Subjective age at the first time point was not associated with change in out-degree centrality, but it was negatively associated with change in in-degree centrality. Even after controlling for sociodemographic and health variables, adults who felt younger were subsequently cited by more ADCC members.

Conclusions:

The findings stress the importance of subjective age to one’s relationship in the ADCC. It is suggested that a younger subjective age is a desired quality in the ADCC.

Feeling too old? Consequences for subjective well-being. Longitudinal findings from the German Ageing Survey

OBJECTIVES

A lack of longitudinal studies exists where the difference between chronological age and perceived age (feeling older/feeling younger) and its association with subjective well-being (SWB) is examined. Therefore, the purpose of this study was to investigate whether these differences are associated with SWB.

METHOD

Longitudinal data (year 2002-2017; n = 18,373 observations in the analytical sample) were taken from the nationally representative German Ageing Survey. To capture SWB comprehensively, positive and negative affect as well as life satisfaction was considered. The Positive and Negative Affect Schedule was used to assess positive and negative affect. Life satisfaction was quantified using the Satisfaction with Life Scale. The difference between chronological age and perceived age was used to quantify our main independent variable. More specifically, asymmetric effects were used, i.e. we tested whether changes in negative (chronological age was lower than perceived age, "feeling older") and positive age comparisons (otherwise, "feeling younger") are associated with changes in SWB differently.

RESULTS

Fixed effects regressions showed that feeling younger was associated with a slight increase in life satisfaction (β = .15, p < .001) and positive affect (β = .15, p < .001). Moreover, feeling younger was associated with a slight decrease in negative affect (β=-.07, p < .05). Feeling older was associated with a considerable decrease in life satisfaction (β=-.65, p < .01) and positive affect (β=-.45, p < .01), was well as a considerable increase in negative affect (β = .49, p < .01).

CONCLUSIONS

Findings highlight the importance of negative age comparisons (feeling older) for SWB. Strategies to shift age perceptions may be beneficial for SWB in older individuals.

The role of subjective age in sustaining wellbeing and health in the second half of life

Subjective age (SA) is a core indicator of the individual ageing experience, with important consequences for successful ageing. The aim of the current study was to investigate the directions of the longitudinal associations between domains of SA and subjective wellbeing and physical functioning in the second half of life. We used three-wave survey data (2002, 2007 and 2017) spanning 15 years from the Norwegian Lifecourse, Ageing and Generation Study, including 6,292 persons born between 1922 and 1961. SA was measured with felt-age and ideal-age discrepancies, wellbeing with the Satisfaction of Life Scale and physical functioning with the Short-Form 12. Three-wave cross-lagged panel models were applied to assess the temporal relationships between the different domains of SA, life satisfaction and physical functioning, adjusted for age, gender and education. Findings indicated that wanting to be younger was negatively associated with life satisfaction and physical functioning over time. Felt-age discrepancies did not predict subsequent wellbeing or physical functioning. The results did not reveal any evidence for reversed effects, i.e. from functioning or life satisfaction to SA. Our findings support the psychological pathway from satisfaction with age(ing) to subjective wellbeing and physical functioning over time. Small ideal-age discrepancies reflect positive self-perceptions of ageing, which may help to accumulate psychological resources, guide behavioural regulation and support health.

Social Comparisons of Health and Cognitive Functioning Contribute to Changes in Subjective Age

Objective

As individuals age, they monitor how well they are aging by comparing themselves with their peers. We examined whether such social comparisons contribute to change in one's subjective age over time and whether they mediate the relationship of health and cognitive functioning with subjective age.

Method

A total of 3,427 participants from the Midlife in the United States study were assessed on subjective age on two occasions 10 years apart. Measures of cognition and health were taken at the second wave along with social comparison measures for health and memory.

Results

The results showed that social comparisons of memory and health mediated the relationship between memory performance and level of subjective age as well as the relationship between functional health and subjective age change.

Discussion

The results suggest that those who have better functioning in aging-relevant domains have a more favorable view of themselves compared with others, which in turn predicted a younger subjective age and smaller increases in subjective age over 10 years. When social comparisons were considered, those who had better health and memory and more favorable comparative assessments did not feel that they had aged as much as those who had lower functioning and assessments.

The neuroanatomy of age perception

The concept of age is a fundamental aspect of mental life. However, it is not clear whether age is more an autobiographical detail we remember, a number indicating the years we live, or an inherent part of our subjective self-perception. An insight may be inferred from the underlying neuroanatomy. To investigate the neuroanatomical basis of age perception, we used lesion analysis in 7 patients with age-disorientation due to acute stroke, as compared to a control group of 9 age-oriented patients. Age-disoriented patients underestimated their age by 17.8±5.0 years. Lesion analysis indicated main regions of overlap in the insula, as well as the rolandic operculum and the supramarginal gyrus, predominantly in the left hemisphere, as compared to stroke patients without age-disorientation. Since these regions are involved in the cognitive functions of self-referenced time-processing, including its emotional aspects, our data suggest that these functions are intimately related to age perception.

What's my age again? The influence of subjective age on consumer health-related attitudes

We examine how shifts in subjective age influence consumer health-related attitudes. In Study 1, participants made to feel subjectively young (vs. old) exhibited more positive attitudes after viewing a health-related marketing message. Underlying this effect, subjectively young (vs. old) participants experienced higher levels of self-esteem. Study 2 tested our process by manipulating subjective physical, as opposed to mental age. Our research is the first to investigate the impact of temporary changes in subjective age on consumer attitudes towards healthy behaviors, and the first to compare the effects of mental (vs. physical) subjective age on these attitudes.

What doesn't kill you makes you feel older: lifespan adversity and its association with subjective age among former prisoners of war

Background: Subjective age (SA) is an indicator of aging that has been empirically associated with health impediments and hindered longevity. Studies show that adverse life events may result in relatively older SA, but have not addressed the differential contribution of life events across the lifespan and the course of posttraumatic psychopathology on the SA of aging survivors of extreme trauma. Objective: Filling this gap, the current study explored the differential contribution of (1) adverse experiences in various life-stages and (2) trajectories of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) to the prediction of SA in a sample of former prisoners-of-war as they enter old age. Method: A cohort of Israeli former prisoners-of-war of the 1973 Yom Kippur War (N = 103) was assessed at four points throughout four decades after the war. A linear hierarchical regression was utilized to assess the contribution of negative life events during childhood, participation in other wars, combat exposure, suffering in captivity, life events since the war and the trajectories of PTSD for predicting SA 42-years post-repatriation. Results: Lifespan adversity explained 50% of the variance in SA, with trajectories of PTSD making the largest contribution, followed by life events since the war. Negative life events in childhood added to the explained variance only when PTSD trajectories were accounted for. Exposure to combat, participation in additional wars and the severity of specific experiences during captivity did not reach significance, though the latter marginally contributed to the explained variance (p = .069). Conclusions: This study demonstrates the importance of considering the prolongation of posttraumatic psychopathology together with life adversities and their differential implications when addressing SA after extreme trauma. The findings suggest that early life adversity may be a latent factor that increases vulnerability to posttraumatic premature aging processes.

Forever young? An analysis of the factors influencing perceptions of ageing

Drawing on the revived literature on the subjective dimension of ageing, this paper investigates whether people aged 65+, usually defined as old, do actually feel old and which events they associate with feeling old. Logistic models are used on unique data from the 2013 survey called ‘I Do Not Want to Be Inactive’, conducted on individuals aged 65–74 in Italy (N = 828). It is found that a large proportion of respondents do not feel old at all. The analyses show that women are more likely than men to feel old and to think that society considers them old. While men feel old mainly when they retire, women associate this feeling with loneliness, loss of independence and death of loved ones. Higher-educated people are less likely to associate feeling old with loneliness and boredom than their lower-educated counterparts. The findings have important implications for the conceptualisation of ageing. Most people who are old according to the standard threshold of 65 do not consider reaching this age as a distinctive marker of old age in their lifecourse. This suggests that absolute thresholds for setting the start of old age are questionable. Feeling old seems to be mainly influenced by events, such as retirement and death of loved ones, hinting to the importance of the social construction of ageing in addition to its biological dimension. Researchers and policy makers are encouraged to give more attention to layperson views on ageing.

Subjective age and depressive symptoms among Chinese older adults: A moderated mediation model of perceived control and self-perceptions of aging

Although subjective age has been shown to play an important role in older adults' experiences of depressive symptoms, the mediating and moderating mechanisms underlying this relationship have not been adequately examined. The present study aimed to investigate the mediating role perceived control plays between subjective age and depressive symptoms, as well as the moderating role self-perceptions of aging plays in this indirect relationship. To examine this, a cross-sectional study was conducted with 609 Chinese older adults, who completed measures of subjective age, perceived control, self-perceptions of aging, and depressive symptoms. The results indicated that: (1) possessing a younger subjective age is significantly associated with less depressive symptoms; (2) perceived control partially mediates the relationship between subjective age and depressive symptoms; and (3) the indirect effect of subjective age on depressive symptoms, through perceived control, is moderated by self-perceptions of aging, while the mediated path is stronger for older adults with less favorable self-perceptions of aging. The findings underscore the importance of identifying the mechanisms that moderate the mediated paths between subjective age and depressive symptoms.

Is the relationship between subjective age, depressive symptoms and activities of daily living bidirectional?

OBJECTIVES

The aim of the current study was to investigate the prospective association between subjective age and depressive symptoms and activities of daily living (ADLs), and to test for reciprocal relationships.

METHODS

We used data from 9886 respondents aged 50 years and over who participated in the English Longitudinal Study of Ageing (ELSA). We fitted a series of multiple regression models to analyse the relationships between subjective age, depressive symptoms, and ADL limitations over a four-year period.

RESULTS

Following adjustment for demographic, social, cognitive, lifestyle, and health factors, we found that having an older subjective age independently predicted increased ADL limitations (B = -0.16, 95% CI -0.25, -0.07) and greater depressive symptoms (B = -0.40, 95% CI -0.57, -0.23). By contrast, we observed no significant associations between depressive symptoms and ADL limitations and future subjective age in the fully-adjusted model.

CONCLUSION

In conclusion, older subjective age is associated with future depression and functional health, but the reverse pattern is confounded by initial health and social factors. These findings indicate that an individual's age identity may have an important effect on both depressive symptoms and activities of daily living.

The Longitudinal Association Between Age Identity and Physical Functioning Among Urban Chinese Older Adults

The aim of this study is to determine the longitudinal association between age identity and physical functioning among urban Chinese older adults. We conducted secondary data analyses based on a sample of older adults aged 60 years and above who participated in both the 2006 and the 2010 Sample Survey on Aged Population in Urban/Rural China, which consisted of 5,788 urban community-dwelling older adults. A single-item measure of age identity was used to distinguish between old and youthful age identities (or the feeling of being old or not). Ordinary least regression analyses revealed that youthful age identity was significantly associated with better physical functioning, even when controlling for baseline sociodemographic and health variables as well as baseline physical functioning. This study provides new cross-cultural and longitudinal evidence of the protective function of youthful age identity in later life.

The Effects of Subjective Age and Aging Attitudes on Mid- to Late-Life Sexuality

This study examined the effects of subjective age and attitudes about aging on frequency of sex and interest in sexual activity among middle-aged and older adults. Data were drawn from two waves of the Midlife in the United States (MIDUS) study (n = 1,170 adults, mean age Time 1 = 53.70 years, SD = 9.08). Regression analyses were used to investigate the effects of subjective age and attitudes about aging on three measures of sexuality: frequency of sex, perceived quality of sexual activity, and interest in sexual activity, over 10 years. The older participants felt and the less positive their views of aging, the less they rated sexual activity as enjoyable over time. Feeling older (though not attitudes about aging) also predicted less interest in sex. Subjective age and beliefs about aging did not have an impact on frequency of sex. Although frequency of sex was not predicted by subjective aging and aging attitudes, the results suggested that subjective age and stereotypic views on aging may shape the experience of sex in later life.

Subjective Age and Its Correlates Among Middle-Aged and Older Adults

The present study evaluates discrepancies in subjective age as reported by middle-age persons (aged 44-64 years) in comparison to older adults (aged 65 years and older), using a multidimensional definition of the concept. A convenience sample of 126 middle-aged and 126 older adults completed subjective age measures (felt age, desired age, and perceived old age), attitudes toward older adults, knowledge about aging, and sociodemographic questionnaires. Overall, participants reported feeling younger than they actually were and wanting to be younger than their chronological age. Perceived mean for old age was about 69 years. Discrepancies in felt age and desired age were significantly larger for the older group compared to the middle-aged group. Regarding perceived old age, compared to the younger group, older adults reported that old age begins at an older age. Findings suggest that middle-aged and older adults' perceptions regarding themselves and regarding old age in general are independent and need, therefore, separate research and practical attention.

How do views on aging affect health outcomes in adulthood and late life? Explanations for an established connection

Personal views on aging, such as age stereotypes and subjective aging, can affect various health outcomes in later life. For the past 20 years or so, a large body of experimental and longitudinal work has provided ample evidence for this connection. Thus, it seems timely to better understand the pathways of this linkage. The majority of existing studies has either focused on age stereotypes or subjective aging. This theoretical paper provides a systematic comparison of major theoretical approaches that offer explanations through which different views on aging may affect health. After a short review of findings on the short- and long-term effects of different views on aging, we describe theoretical approaches that provide explanations of underlying mechanisms for the effect of both uni- and multidimensional views on aging on health outcomes. We compare the specific characteristics of these approaches, provide a heuristic framework and outline recommendations for future research routes. A better understanding of the impact of different views on aging on health outcomes is not only relevant for basic research in life-span developmental psychology, geropsychology and health psychology, it has also implications for intervention research and public health practices.

The Combined Effects of Daily Stressors and Major Life Events on Daily Subjective Ages

Objectives

Stressors may be a contributing factor in determining how old an individual feels, looks, or would like to be. Currently, little research has been devoted to understanding the relationship between stressors and subjective age in older adults. We focus on the combined impact of major life-event stressors and daily stressors on multiple indicators of subjective age: felt age, ideal age, and look age. Furthermore, we examine the process by which daily stressors relate to subjective ages by testing whether positive affect, control, and negative affect mediate this relationship.

Method

Using a daily-diary design, the current study measured older adults' (60-96 years old) stressors, subjective ages, personal control, and affect.

Results

Felt, ideal, and look ages each demonstrated a unique pattern of interactions between daily stressors and major life-event stressors. Furthermore, our findings suggest that on the daily level, the relationship between stressors and felt age is mediated by negative affect but not by control and positive affect.

Discussion

Findings indicate the need to consider the broader contextual picture of stressors, as well as their differential impact on multiple indicators of subjective age.

Felt Age, Desired, and Expected Lifetime in the Context of Health, Well-Being, and Successful Aging

This study examines the interrelations of three different aspects of the subjective age: felt, desired and expected, as well as their relations with the chronological age (CA), health, and psychological well-being variables. Four hundred and twenty-three community-dwelling Croatian adults, aged 60-95 years, participated in the study. All three subjective age measures significantly correlated with the CA. Self-rated health were better predictors of the subjective age compared to the psychological variables. Among psychological variables, successful aging was the only significant predictor of the felt and expected age, while optimism showed to be the only significant predictor of the desired age. Results indicate the importance of some sociodemographic, psychological, and health variables for understanding older persons' subjective age identity and their desires and expectations regarding length of life. Besides the CA, it is very useful to include subjective age measures in research with elderly people.

Forever Young?

This study compares age identities of middle-aged and older adults in the United States and Germany. Differences between countries in social systems and cultural meanings of old age are expected to produce different age identities. Data are from respondents between ages 40 and 74 in the United States (MIDUS; n = 2,006) and Germany (German Aging Survey; n = 3,331). Americans and Germans tend to feel younger than their actual age, but the discrepancy is larger among Americans. The bias toward youthful identities is stronger at older ages, particularly among Americans. In both counties, persons with better health have younger identities and role losses are not related to age identities. The study shows that different social and cultural systems produce different subjective experiences of aging. As these differences exist within Western culture, the study makes clear that one should be careful in generalizing findings from aging research across countries.

Age Identification in the Framework of Successful Aging. A Study of Older Finnish People

A person-oriented approach was used in a study of age identification among community-dwelling older people. The study was based on 8-year follow-up data; 843 persons aged 65–84 were involved in the first phase of the study, and 426 persons aged 73–92, in the second phase. Loosely, on the basis of the distinction between successful, usual, and pathological aging (Rowe & Kahn, 1987, 1997), participants were grouped according to their self-ratings of cognitive and physical functioning as “Positive,” “Negative,” and “Others.” Participants possessing at least 4 out of the 5 criteria used as indicators of successful aging in the study (no illness or injury presenting problems in daily life, no health problems imposing limitations on hobbies, self-rated cognitive functioning better than satisfactory, age-comparative functional capacity as good, and no signs of depression) were assigned to the “Positive” group. The results showed these individuals typically to have a more youthful age identity, indicated by a lower feel age and thus a lower subjective age-perception score, lower mental, physical, and look ages, and a less frequently reported sense of age weighing on them. Moreover, this group reported a higher ideal age and had a chronological age satisfaction score closer to 0, suggesting higher satisfaction with chronological age. Also a tendency to set the onset of old age later and a willingness to live to 100 years of age were features that were more characteristic of the “Positive” than the other groups. The findings, supported by multivariate analyses, were in line with those of previous variable-oriented studies on age identification, suggesting that an association exists between perceptions of personal aging and physical and psychological well-being.

Accelerated increase and decrease in subjective age as a function of changes in loneliness and objective social indicators over a four-year period: results from the health and retirement study

OBJECTIVES

The study examined the role of changes in loneliness and objective social indicators in the formation of changes in subjective age over a four-year period.

METHODS

The Health and Retirement Study is a US nationally representative study of older adults over 50 and their spouse of any age. We restricted the sample to individuals, 65 years of age and older (n = 2591). An accelerated increase in subjective age was defined as an increase in subjective age over the two waves greater than five years. An accelerated decrease in subjective age was defined as a difference that was lower than three years. These were examined against a change in subjective age in the range of three to five years (i.e., change consistent with the passage of time).

RESULTS

For 23.4% of the sample, changes in subjective age were consistent with the passage of time. A total of 38.3% had an accelerated decrease in subjective age, whereas 38.3% had an accelerated increase. A decrease in loneliness over the two waves resulted in an accelerated decrease in subjective age, whereas an increase in depressive symptoms resulted in an accelerated increase in subjective age. Changes in objective social indicators, physical difficulties or medical comorbidity did not predict changes in subjective age.

CONCLUSIONS

This is one of very few studies that examined changes in subjective age over time. Changes in subjective age represent an important construct that corresponding to other changes in subjective experiences.

Accelerated increase and relative decrease in subjective age and changes in attitudes toward own aging over a 4-year period: results from the Health and Retirement Study

The passage of time may force people to adjust their subjective age in response to changes in their attitudes toward own aging (ATOA). Although positive associations have been found between well-being and both positive ATOA and younger subjective age, the relationships between changes in these measures have not been examined yet. We expected (1) a decrease in positive ATOA to be associated with an accelerated increase in subjective age and (2) an increase in positive ATOA to be associated with a relative decrease in subjective age. Participants were individuals and their spouses, aged 50 and over, recruited by the Health and Retirement Study, who provided responses to a question concerning one's subjective age in 2008 and 2012 (n = 4174). A change in subjective age over the two waves was regarded as (1) an accelerated increase if it was greater than 5 years (36.2 % of the sample); (2) a relative decrease (39.1 %), if it was less than the 3 years; (3) no change if it did not comply with criteria 1 or 2 (24.7 %). A decrease in positive ATOA over the two waves resulted in an accelerated increase in subjective age, and an increase resulted in a relative decrease in subjective age. Older age and more physical impairments and depressive symptoms in 2012 compared with 2008 were associated with an accelerated increase in subjective age. Our findings emphasize the consequences ATOA might have on subjective age experiences, and the need to improve them.

Physical activity across the life-span: Does feeling physically younger help you to plan physical activities?

We tested whether the relationship between subjective physical age and physical activity is mediated by planning. Participants came from a broad age range (25-78 years, M = 39.57, standard deviation = 10.75) and reported relatively good health ( M = 3.36, standard deviation = 0.90). The model supported the suggested mediation ( β = -.01, standard error = .01, p = .042). Feeling physically younger is associated with higher planning to adopt higher levels of physical activity and more planning is associated with more subsequent physical activity. Results open avenues for interventions that help people to become more active by focusing on subjective age. One way to do so might be tailoring approaches for interventions.

Felt age and cognitive-affective depressive symptoms in late life

OBJECTIVES

This study examined both cross-sectional and longitudinal relationships between felt age and cognitive-affective symptom dimensions of depression in late life.

METHOD

Data for this study came from two interview waves (T1 and T2) of the National Health and Aging Trend Study. Sample persons (n = 6680) who resided in their own or another's home at T1 were included. At T2 (one year later), 5414 of the original 6680 were interviewed and depressive symptom data were available for 5371 sample persons. The associations between felt age and depressive symptoms were analyzed using stepwise linear regression analyses.

RESULTS

At T1, (1) more than 70% of the sample felt younger and 7% felt older than their chronological age; and (2) younger felt age was associated with lower depressive symptoms, and older felt age was associated with higher depressive symptoms. Controlling for T1 depressive symptoms and health conditions, older felt age at T1 also predicted higher depressive symptoms at T2; however, chronological age and felt age explained only a small amount of variance in depressive symptom scores.

CONCLUSION

The self-enhancement or self-protection function of younger felt age at T1 does not appear to extend longitudinally to T2, while the negative depressive effect of older felt age at T1 extends to T2.

The cross-domain correlates of subjective age in Chinese oldest-old

OBJECTIVES

This study examined subjective age and its cross-domain correlates in Chinese oldest-old.

METHOD

We conducted a secondary data analysis using cross-sectional data drawn from the 2006 Sample Survey on the Aged Population in Urban/Rural China, which consisted of a sample of 860 community-dwelling Chinese older adults aged 85 years and above.

RESULTS

A small percentage (8%) of the oldest-old participants reported that they did not feel old. Binary logistic regression analyses revealed that urban living, better physical and self-reported cognitive functioning and mental health were all related to not feeling old, whereas chronological age was found to have no association with subjective age when controlling for indicators of physical and self-reported cognitive functioning.

CONCLUSION

The findings revealed the key roles of functional limitations and mental health in the construction of subjective age in Chinese oldest-old. The possible cross-cultural similarity in the links of subjective age to mental health and physical functioning in later life suggests that maintaining a youthful subjective age may have adaptive value for the oldest-old and contribute to their successful aging.

Discrepancy between chronological age and felt age: age group difference in objective and subjective health as correlates

OBJECTIVE

Guided by the social comparison theory, we examined correlates of the discrepancy between chronological and felt ages in three age groups of community-dwelling older adults: 65 to 69, 70 to 79, and 80 and older.

METHOD

Data from the National Health and Aging Trends Study and linear regression models were used to test the hypothesis that age discrepancy would be significantly associated with objective health indicators among those in the 65 to 69 and 70 to 79 age groups but not among the 80+ group.

RESULTS

Objective health indicators were significantly associated with age discrepancy only in the 70 to 79 age group, while subjective health perceptions and psychological well-being were significantly associated with age discrepancy in all age groups.

DISCUSSION

The correlates of the discrepancy in the 65 to 69 age group appear to resemble those in the 80+ group more than those in the 70 to 79 age group. Further research is needed to identify the determinants of age group differences.

Aging 5 years in 5 minutes: the effect of taking a memory test on older adults' subjective age

How old one feels-one's subjective age-has been shown to predict important psychological and health outcomes. The current studies examined the effect of taking a standard memory test on older adults' subjective age. Study 1 showed that older adults felt older after taking a standard neuropsychological screening test and participating in a free-recall experiment than they felt at baseline. Study 2 showed that the effect was selective to older adults: Younger adults' subjective age was not affected by participating in the memory experiment. Study 3 showed that the subjective-aging effect was specific to memory, as taking a vocabulary test for a similar amount of time did not affect older adults' subjective age. Finally, Study 4 showed that simply expecting to take a memory test subjectively aged older adults. The results indicate that being in a memory-testing context affects older adults' self-perception by making them feel older.