The community benefits of farm safety day camps

In addition to the direct impact of a farm safety day camp on its participants' knowledge and safety awareness, there are extended and indirect effects that occur through the wider dispersion of information and the involvement and cooperation of community members. Reports completed by 228 coordinators of farm safety day camps, report forms completed by 5,037 volunteers at farm safety day camps, and telephone interviews with 924 parents of farm safety day camp participants were analyzed for evidence of the impact of the camps beyond the immediate knowledge gained by the children who participated. These data indicate that the indirect benefits to a community include enhanced safety awareness within the wider community as children and adult volunteers disseminate the information they learned, as well as enhanced community strength and cohesiveness resulting from the cooperation of many individuals and organizations in achieving a common goal.

Safety-Related Knowledge and Behavior Changes in Participants of Farm Safety Day Camps

Significant resources are devoted to conducting farm safety day camps throughout North America, but the impact and effectiveness of these programs has not been systematically demonstrated. This project assessed changes in safety-related knowledge and behaviors among participants in the Progressive Farmer Farm Safety Day Camp program. A written pre-test and a three-month telephone post-test were administered to three samples of participants, ages 8 to 13, in camps held in 1999, 2000, and 2001. A sample of 20 to 30 camps was included in each year of the study, with a total sample of 1,780 participants for all three years. The pre-test and post-test contained questions related to first aid and to safety around animals, ATVs, farm equipment, flowing grains, and tractors. Three scores were computed from responses to 20 knowledge and behavior items. A knowledge score indicated the number of 8 knowledge items answered correctly, a behavior risk score indicated the amount of risk exposure for the child based on 8 behavior items, and an ATV safety gear risk score indicated, for those who rode ATVs, the level of risk due to lack of proper safety gear (4 items). From pre-test to post-test, there was an increase in knowledge scores and a decrease in behavior risk scores and ATV safety gear risk scores. These changes were consistent both for males and females, for farm residents and non-farm residents, and across all ages in the sample. These results support claims for the effectiveness of farm safety day camps for increasing knowledge and improving safe practices among camp participants.

Hopelessness and violence among inner-city youths

OBJECTIVES

Ethnographic literature on inner-city life argues that adolescents react to their uncertain (and objectively bleak) future by abandoning hope; this, in turn, leads them to engage in risk behaviors, including violence, with considerable frequency. This study empirically measures the pervasiveness of hopelessness and uncertainty about the future among inner-city adolescents and documents the link between hopelessness, uncertainty, and risk behavior.

METHODS

We surveyed a sample of 583 adolescents (aged 9-19) living in public housing in Huntsville, AL; this constitutes 80% of the eligible population. Each participant in the survey received $10. Their responses yielded empirical distributions for hopelessness, uncertainty about the future, and four violent behaviors. Using OLS regression, we examined the effect of hopelessness on these violent behaviors.

RESULTS

Hopelessness about the future was relatively rare, affecting only 20-30% of the respondents. However, it was a strong predictor of fighting and carrying a knife for females, and of carrying a knife, carrying a gun, and pulling a knife or gun on someone else for males. Uncertainty about the future was more prevalent, but unrelated to the violent behaviors.

CONCLUSIONS

These results suggest that the conclusions of the ethnographic literature are only partially valid: While hopelessness is, in fact, strongly related to risk behavior, it is not nearly so prevalent as is generally assumed.

Comparison of response formats for Multidimensional Health Locus of Control Scales: six levels versus two levels

Two formats of the Multidimensional Health Locus of Control (MHLC) Scales were administered to 54 college students. Each subject completed the MHLC Scales in the standard 6-level response format (ranging from strongly disagree to strongly agree) and in a revised 2-level format (ranging from disagree to agree). Comparisons of internal consistency measures, principal components, and classification of subjects into groups indicate that the 2-level response format yields comparable data to those obtained with the 6-level format, particularly when classification of subjects is the goal.

Health practices and hardiness as mediators in the stress-illness relationship

Two stress and illness models that include the joint mediating effects of health practices and hardiness were tested prospectively over a 2-month period. At the beginning of one academic quarter, 60 female and 26 male undergraduate students completed five subscales indexing hardiness. Stress, health practices, and illness for the prior month were assessed at this time as well as 1 and 2 months later. Stress was measured by the number of negatively rated stressors reported on the Life Experiences Survey. Health practices were measured by the Self Care Inventory. In the first model, illness was measured by the severity of physical symptoms reported on the Seriousness of Illness Rating Scale; in the second model, it was measured by the number of symptoms reported. Correlations between all measures of stress and illness were typical for life events research (r = .22 to .29). In both models, path analyses revealed that stress acted directly to affect illness as well as indirectly by changing health practices. Hardiness also had a direct effect on illness as well as in indirect effect through health practices. Hardiness did not appear to have a stress-buffering effect on illness; rather, its effects on illness appeared to be independent of its effects on stress. Implications for life events research are discussed.

Health practices and hardiness as mediators in the stress-illness relationship

Two stress and illness models that include the joint mediating effects of health practices and hardiness were tested prospectively over a 2-month period. At the beginning of one academic quarter, 60 female and 26 male undergraduate students completed five subscales indexing hardiness. Stress, health practices, and illness for the prior month were assessed at this time as well as 1 and 2 months later. Stress was measured by the number of negatively rated stressors reported on the Life Experiences Survey. Health practices were measured by the Self Care Inventory. In the first model, illness was measured by the severity of physical symptoms reported on the Seriousness of Illness Rating Scale; in the second model, it was measured by the number of symptoms reported. Correlations between all measures of stress and illness were typical for life events research (r = .22 to .29). In both models, path analyses revealed that stress acted directly to affect illness as well as indirectly by changing health practices. Hardiness also had a direct effect on illness as well as in indirect effect through health practices. Hardiness did not appear to have a stress-buffering effect on illness; rather, its effects on illness appeared to be independent of its effects on stress. Implications for life events research are discussed.