Association of Preterm Births Among US Latina Women With the 2016 Presidential Election

Philadelphia Latine Immigrant Birthing People's Perspectives on Mitigating the Chilling Effect on Prenatal Care Utilization

RESEARCH DESIGN

Community-engaged qualitative study using inductive thematic analysis of semistructured interviews.

OBJECTIVE

To understand Latine immigrants' recent prenatal care experiences and develop community-informed strategies to mitigate policy-related chilling effects on prenatal care utilization.

BACKGROUND

Decreased health care utilization among immigrants due to punitive immigration policies (ie, the "chilling effect") has been well-documented among Latine birthing people both pre and postnatally.

PATIENTS AND METHODS

Currently or recently pregnant immigrant Latine people in greater Philadelphia were recruited from an obstetric clinic, 2 pediatric primary care clinics, and 2 community-based organization client pools. Thematic saturation was achieved with 24 people. Participants' pregnancy narratives and their perspectives on how health care providers and systems could make prenatal care feel safer and more comfortable for immigrants.

RESULTS

Participants' recommendations for mitigating the chilling effect during the prenatal period included training prenatal health care providers to sensitively initiate discussions about immigrants' rights and reaffirm confidentiality around immigration status. Participants suggested that health care systems should expand sources of information for pregnant immigrants, either by partnering with community organizations to disseminate information or by increasing access to trusted individuals knowledgeable about immigrants' rights to health care. Participants also suggested training non-medical office staff in the use of interpreters.

CONCLUSION

Immigrant Latine pregnant and birthing people in greater Philadelphia described ongoing fear and confusion regarding the utilization of prenatal care, as well as experiences of discrimination. Participants' suggestions for mitigating immigration-related chilling effects can be translated into potential policy and programmatic interventions which could be implemented locally and evaluated for broader applicability.

Racial differences in hypertensive disorders in pregnancy during the COVID-19 pandemic

OBJECTIVE

To compare rates of pregnancy induced hypertensive disorders during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic to prior, baseline years.

METHODS

We conducted a retrospective study of 17,742 patients on rates for pregnancy induced hypertensive disorders delivering at 2 local hospitals before (Cohort 1; January 2018 to December 2019; n = 8245) and after (Cohort 2; February 2020 to February 2022; n = 9497) the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic. The primary outcomes were rates of gestational hypertension, pre-eclampsia, and chronic hypertension in patients.Wecompared by year (2018-2022), by patient COVID infection status, and by racial demographics.

RESULTS

During the pandemic (Cohort 2), there were lower rates of chronic hypertension (7.4 % vs 6.5 %, p =.02), higher rates of gestational hypertension (26.3 % vs 27.8 %, p =.03), and higher rates of preeclampsia (11.3 % vs 13.1 %, p <.001) compared to years prior to the pandemic (Cohort 1). When evaluating by year, rates of chronic hypertension did not statistically change while rates for preeclampsia increased in the first year of the pandemic and remained high, and rates for gestational hypertension did not increase until the second year of the pandemic. When evaluating by COVID infection status, rates for gestational hypertension were significantly higher for individuals with a positive COVID infection status (COVID negative = 27.4 % vs. COVID positive = 32.8 %; p <.004). Rates of preeclampsia did not differ according to COVID infection status (p = 0.15).

CONCLUSION

In this study, rates of pregnancy induced hypertensive disorders increased during the COVID pandemic regardless of COVID infection status.

The association of maternal country/region of origin and nativity with infant mortality rate among Hispanic preterm infants

OBJECTIVES

Among US-born preterm infants of Hispanic mothers, we analyzed the unadjusted and adjusted infant mortality rate (IMR) by country/region of origin and maternal nativity status.

STUDY DESIGN

Using linked national US birth and death certificate data (2005-2014), we examined preterm infants of Hispanic mothers by subgroup and nativity. Clinical and sociodemographic covariates were included and the main outcome was death in the first year of life.

RESULTS

In our cohort of 891,216 preterm Hispanic infants, we demonstrated different rates of infant mortality by country and region of origin, but no difference between infants of Hispanic mothers who were US vs. foreign-born.

CONCLUSION

These findings highlight the need to disaggregate the heterogenous Hispanic birthing population into regional and national origin groups to better understand unique factors associated with adverse perinatal outcomes in order to develop more targeted interventions for these subgroups.

Language outcomes at 18-24 months of preterm infants from US Spanish- and English-speaking homes

AIM

To evaluate the association of Spanish compared to English primary household language on preterm (PT) infants' language outcomes in the United States and to examine associations with socio-economic factors.

METHODS

This was a retrospective cohort of PT infants born <32 weeks gestation from Spanish-speaking (n = 95) and English-speaking homes (n = 1030) born 2005-2019. Language (primary outcome) and cognitive and motor skills (secondary outcomes) were measured using the BSID-III at 18-24 months corrected age. Group differences were evaluated using bivariate comparisons and logistic regression analyses.

RESULTS

Mothers reporting Spanish-speaking homes had higher rates of public insurance and lower educational achievement. Group newborn characteristics were similar. Preterm infants from Spanish-speaking homes had significantly lower BSID-III language composite, cognitive composite, receptive and expressive scores compared to infants from English-speaking homes. Logistic regression modelling identified independent negative effects of Spanish-speaking household OR 3.26 (CI 1.89-5.62) and public insurance OR 2.31 (CI 1.71-3.12) with a protective benefit derived from breast milk OR 0.68 (CI 0.50-0.92) when adjusting for medical morbidities, socio-economic factors and gestational age.

CONCLUSION

Public health policies and interventions in the United States should target language and cognitive outcomes of PT infants from Spanish-speaking homes.

"We have to lie low … that sort of poisons me more and more": A qualitative study of violent political rhetoric and health implications for Spanish and Chinese speaking immigrants

BACKGROUND

In recent years, the historical legacy of anti-immigrant sentiment in the US has resurfaced, fueled by a new wave of anti-immigrant political rhetoric. Violent political rhetoric, defined as either explicit or metaphorically targeted language to dehumanize targeted groups, can incite discriminatory treatment of immigrants at both interpersonal and institutional levels, shaping their health and healthcare experiences. This qualitative study explores and compares how Spanish- and Chinese-speaking immigrant populations in Chicago make sense of violent political rhetoric against their racial and ethnic identities, utilize coping strategies to maintain their sense of belonging, and experience downstream health consequences.

METHODS

In 2019, 14 semi-structured focus groups were conducted among immigrants to the U.S. (n = 79). Participants were recruited from four community sites in either Hispanic/Latino or Chinese neighborhoods in Chicago. Focus groups were conducted by racially- and linguistically concordant interviewers in Spanish, Mandarin, or Cantonese. The research team developed a codebook iteratively and analyzed transcripts using grounded theory and the constant comparison method.

RESULTS

Participants included Chinese (61%) and Spanish-speaking immigrants (39%), with an average age of 61.4 years (sd = 13); the majority were female (62%), unemployed (68%), and attained less than a high school diploma (53%). Self-reported stress due to political rhetoric was more pronounced among Spanish-speaking participants (93%) than Chinese participants (39.6%). Immigrants responded to manifestations of violent political rhetoric in numerous ways including mobilizing the model minority myth with internalized racism, anticipatory stress, and "high effort" coping mechanisms (John Henryism), all with downstream health effects.

CONCLUSION

Violent political rhetoric is one of the mechanisms by which racism and xenophobia exacerbate a toll on the health of racialized immigrant groups. These processes have implications for both interpersonal and institutional experiences, as well as health and healthcare interactions. We propose a conceptual model that outlines these mechanisms and points to potential areas of intervention to ameliorate immigrant health inequities.

Caught Between a Well-Intentioned State and a Hostile Federal System: Local Implementation of Inclusive Immigrant Policies

Policy Points Inclusive state immigrant policies that expand rights and resources for immigrants may improve population health, but little is known about their local-level implementation. Local actors that have anti-immigrant attitudes can hinder the implementation of state policies, whereas the persistent influence of anti-immigrant federal policies reinforces barriers to accessing health and other resources granted by state policies. Local actors that serve immigrants and support state policy implementation lack the resources to counter anti-immigrant climates and federal policy threats.

CONTEXT

In the United States, inclusive state-level policies can advance immigrant health and health care access by extending noncitizens' access to public benefits, workplace rights, and protections from immigration enforcement. Although state policies carry promise as structural population health interventions, there has been little examination of their implementation at the local level. Local jurisdictions play multiple roles in state policy implementation and possess distinct immigration climates. Examining the local implementation of state immigrant policy can address challenges and opportunities to ensure the health benefits of inclusive policies are realized equitably across states' regions.

METHODS

To examine the local implementation of state immigrant policies, we selected a purposive sample of California counties with large immigrant populations and distinct social and political dynamics and conducted and analyzed in-depth interviews with 20 community-based organizations that provided health, safety net, and other services.

FINDINGS

We found that there were tensions between the inclusionary goals of state immigrant policies and local anti-immigrant climates and federal policy changes. First, there were tensions between state policy goals and resistance from local law enforcement agencies and policymakers (e.g., Board of Supervisors). Second, because of the ongoing threats from federal immigration policies, there was a mismatch between the services and resources provided by state policies and local community needs. Finally, organizations that served immigrants were responsible for contributing to policy implementation but lacked resources to meet community needs while countering local resistance and federal policy threats.

CONCLUSIONS

This study contributes knowledge regarding the challenges that emerge after state immigrant policies are enacted. The tensions among state immigrant policies, local immigration climates, and federal policy changes indicate that state immigrant policies are not implemented equally across state communities, resulting in challenges and limited benefits from policies for many immigrant communities.

Consequences of the 2019 Public Charge Rule Announcement and Publication on Prenatal WIC Participation Among Immigrant Families: Evidence of Spillover Effects

This study analyzed the effects of the announcement and publication of the 2019 Public Charge Rule on participation of the special supplemental nutrition program for women, infants, and children (WIC) among pregnant immigrants. A difference-in-differences approach was used to analyze the changes in prenatal WIC participation before and after the 2019 Public Charge Rule announcement and publication among immigrants relative to US natives. We identified 17,623,683 live singletons born in a hospital from 2015 to 2019. Compared to US natives, the odds of prenatal WIC participation among immigrants were 11.4% lower after the 2019 Public Charge Rule announcement, and 19% lower after the final rule was published. The results of this study suggest that pregnant immigrants may decide not to participate in the WIC program due to the fear of jeopardizing their immigration status after the announcement and publication of the 2019 Public Charge Rule.

Discrimination and adverse birth outcomes among Latina women: The protective role of social support

OBJECTIVE

Interpersonal discrimination has been associated with adverse birth outcomes among Black populations, but few studies have examined the impact of discrimination among Latinx/Hispanic populations in the United States, especially in conjunction with resources that could be protective. The present study examined (a) if exposure to discrimination is associated with adverse birth outcomes for Latina/Hispanic women and (b) if prenatal social support buffers these links.

METHOD

In two independent prospective studies of Latina/Hispanic women in Southern California (N = 84 and N = 102), the relation between maternal experience of discrimination and birth outcomes (length of gestation and birth weight) was examined. Additionally, social support was tested as a moderator of these relations.

RESULTS

In both Studies 1 and 2, exposures to discrimination predicted adverse birth outcomes. Specifically, lifetime experiences of major discrimination predicted lower birth weight. Additionally, in Study 2, chronic experiences of everyday discrimination were linked to lower birth weight. In Study 1, major discrimination also predicted shorter gestational length. Importantly, in both studies, the presence of prenatal social support buffered associations between discrimination and poorer birth outcomes.

CONCLUSIONS

Findings implicate discrimination as an important risk factor for adverse birth outcomes among women of Latina/Hispanic descent. Further policies, practice, and research on reducing discrimination and enhancing factors that promote resilience such as social support are needed to facilitate healthy births among Latina/Hispanic women, mitigate intergenerational harm of discrimination-related stress, and advance health equity at birth and across the lifespan. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Maternity Care at the Intersections of Language, Ethnicity, and Immigration Status: A Qualitative Study

INTRODUCTION

Women of color and immigrant women are more likely than US-born White women to report mistreatment and poor quality of care during their reproductive health care. Surprisingly little research exists on how language access may impact immigrant women's experiences of maternity care, particularly by race and ethnicity.

METHODS

We conducted qualitative in-depth, one-on-one semi-structured interviews from August 2018 to August 2019 with 10 Mexican and eight Chinese/Taiwanese women (n = 18) living in Los Angeles or Orange County who gave birth within the past 2 years. Interviews were transcribed and translated, and data were initially coded based on the interview guide questions. We identified patterns and themes using thematic analysis methods.

RESULTS

Participants described how a lack of translators and language- and cultural-concordant health care providers and staff impeded their access to maternity care services; in particular, they described barriers to communication with receptionists, providers, and ultrasound technicians. Despite Mexican immigrants' ability to access Spanish-language health care, both Mexican and Chinese immigrant women described how lack of understanding medical concepts and terminology resulted in poor quality of care, lack of informed consent for reproductive procedures, and subsequent psychological and emotional distress. Undocumented women were less likely to report using strategies that leveraged social resources to improve language access and quality care.

CONCLUSIONS

Reproductive autonomy cannot be achieved without access to culturally and linguistically appropriate health care. Health care systems should ensure that comprehensive information is given to women, in a language and manner they can understand, with particular attention toward providing in-language services across multiple ethnicities. Multilingual staff and health care providers are critical in providing care that is responsive to immigrant women.

Changes in Residential Greenspace and Birth Outcomes among Siblings: Differences by Maternal Race

Growing research investigates the perinatal health benefits of greenspace in a mother's prenatal environment. However, evidence of associations between residential greenspace and birth outcomes remains mixed, limiting the relevance this work holds for urban policy and greening interventions. Past research relies predominantly on cross-sectional designs that are vulnerable to residential selection bias, and rarely tests effect modification by maternal race/ethnicity, which may contribute to heterogeneous findings. This study uses a rigorous, longitudinal sibling comparison design and maternal fixed effect analyses to test whether increases in maternal exposure to residential greenspace between pregnancies precede improved birth outcomes among non-Hispanic (NH) white (n = 247,285) and Black (n = 54,995) mothers (mean age = 28 years) who had at least two consecutive live births in California between 2005 and 2015. Results show that increases in residential greenspace correspond with higher birthweight (coef. = 75.49, 95% CI: 23.48, 127.50) among Black, but not white (coef. = -0.51, 95% CI: -22.90, 21.90), infants. Additional analyses suggest that prior evidence of perinatal benefits associated with residential greenspace among white mothers may arise from residential selection; no such bias is observed for Black mothers. Taken together, these findings support urban greening initiatives in historically under-resourced neighborhoods. Efforts to evenly distribute residential greenspace may reduce persistent racial disparities in birth outcomes, an important step towards promoting health equity across the life course.

State-Level Anti-Immigrant Sentiment and Policies and Health Risks in US Latino Children

BACKGROUND

Although systemic inequities, broadly defined, are associated with health disparities in adults, there is a dearth of research linking contextual measures of exclusionary policies or prejudicial attitudes to health impairments in children, particularly among Latino populations. In this study, we examined a composite measure of systemic inequities in relation to the cooccurrence of multiple health problems in Latino children in the United States.

METHODS

Participants included 17 855 Latino children aged 3 to 17 years from the National Survey of Children's Health (2016-2020). We measured state-level systemic inequities using a factor score that combined an index of exclusionary state policies toward immigrants and aggregated survey data on prejudicial attitudes toward immigrants and Latino individuals. Caregivers reported on 3 categories of child health problems: common health difficulties in the past year, current chronic physical health conditions, and current mental health conditions. For each category, we constructed a variable reflecting 0, 1, or 2 or more conditions.

RESULTS

In models adjusted for sociodemographic covariates, interpersonal discrimination, and state-level income inequality, systemic inequities were associated with 1.13 times the odds of a chronic physical health condition (95% confidence interval: 1.02-1.25) and 1.24 times the odds of 2 or more mental health conditions (95% confidence interval: 1.06-1.45).

CONCLUSIONS

Latino children residing in states with higher levels of systemic inequity are more likely to experience mental health or chronic physical health conditions relative to those in states with lower levels of systemic inequity.

Sociopolitical stressors are associated with psychological distress in a cohort of Latina women during early pregnancy

Research suggests that the 2016 US election was a potential stressor among Latinos residing in the United States. Sociopolitical stressors targeted toward ethnic minority communities and become embodied through psychosocial distress. The current study investigates if and how sociopolitical stressors related to the 45th President, Donald Trump, and his administration are associated with psychological distress in early pregnancy of Latina women living in Southern California during the second half of his term. This cross-sectional analysis uses data from the Mothers' Cultural Experiences study (n = 90) collected from December 2018 to March 2020. Psychological distress was assessed in three domains: depression, state anxiety, and pregnancy-related anxiety. Sociopolitical stressors were measured through questionnaires about sociopolitical feelings and concerns. Multiple linear regression models examined the relationship between sociopolitical stressors and mental health scores, adjusting for multiple testing. Negative feelings and a greater number of sociopolitical concerns were associated with elevated pregnancy-related anxiety and depressive symptoms. The most frequently endorsed concern was about issues of racism (72.3%) and women's rights (62.4%); women endorsing these particular concerns also had higher scores on depression and pregnancy-related anxiety. No significant associations were detected with state anxiety after correction for multiple testing. This analysis is cross-sectional and cannot assess causality in the associations between sociopolitical stressors and distress. These results are consistent with the hypothesis that the 2016 election, the subsequent political environment, and the anti-immigrant rhetoric and policies of former President Trump and his administration were sources of stress for Latinos residing in the United States.

Reduced health care utilization among young children of immigrants after Donald Trump's election and proposed public charge rule

Widespread fear among immigrants from hostile 2016 presidential campaign rhetoric decreased social and health care service enrollment (chilling effect). Health care utilization effects among immigrant families with young children are unknown. We examined whether former President Trump's election had chilling effects on well-child visit (WCV) schedule adherence, hospitalizations, and emergency department (ED) visits among children of immigrant vs US-born mothers in 3 US cities. Cross-sectional surveys of children <4 years receiving care in hospitals were linked to 2015-2018 electronic health records. We applied difference-in-difference analysis with a 12-month pre/post-election study period. Trump's election was associated with a 5-percentage-point decrease (-0.05; 95% CI: -0.08, -0.02) in WCV adherence for children of immigrant vs US-born mothers with no difference in hospitalizations or ED visits. Secondary analyses extending the treatment period to a leaked draft of proposed changes to public charge rules also showed significantly decreased WCV adherence among children of immigrant vs US-born mothers. Findings indicate likely missed opportunities for American Academy of Pediatrics-recommended early childhood vaccinations, health and developmental screenings, and family support. Policies and rhetoric promoting immigrant inclusion create a more just and equitable society for all US children.

The Association of the Publication of a Proposed Public Charge Rule with Preterm Births among Uninsured Foreign-Born Latinx Birthing People in the United States

Following the inauguration, the Trump administration authorized a series of anti-immigrant policies, including modifications to the public charge regulation. This study analyzed the effect of the publication of a proposed public charge rule in 2018 on the risk of preterm birth between uninsured and privately insured Latinx birthing people in the United States by using natality files from the National Center for Health Statistics. In total, 1,375,580 Latinx birthing people reported private insurance as their primary source of delivery from 2014 to 2019, while 317,056 Latinx birthing people reported self-pay as their primary source of delivery during the same period. After the publication of the proposed public charge rule in 2018, the odds of preterm birth among uninsured foreign-born Latinx birthing people increased by 6.2% compared with privately insured foreign-born Latinx birthing people (OR: 1.062; 95% CI: 1.016, 1.110). On the other hand, the odds of preterm births among uninsured US-born Latinx birthing people did not significantly increase after the publication of the proposed rule compared with privately insured US-born Latinx birthing people. These findings suggest the publication of the public charge rule proposed in 2018 may be associated with adverse birth outcomes among uninsured foreign-born Latinx birthing people in the United States.

Mental health symptoms following the January 6th attack on the United States Capitol

On January 6, 2021, rioters stormed the US Capitol to overturn the Congressional certification of Joseph Biden as the 46th president of the United States. In previous work, the symbolic dis/empowerment framework, as a result of sociopolitical context, has influenced health outcomes in certain sub-populations. We examine whether the Capitol Riot corresponds with an increase in mental health symptoms and explore whether this relation differs by individual political party affiliation and/or state electoral college victory. We utilize the Understanding America Study, a nationally representative panel of adults, between March 10, 2020-July 11, 2021. Using fixed effects linear regression, we find a modest increase above expected levels in mental health symptoms immediately following the Capitol Riot. This result holds for Democrats overall, Democrats in Biden states, and when restricting analyses to only states that voted for Biden (or separately, for Trump). Democrats show the greatest increase of mental health symptoms following the Capital Riot, supporting the symbolic dis/empowerment framework as well as notions of political polarization and allegiance. Social and political events of national importance may adversely affect mental health of specific subpopulations.

Race and Ethnicity, Racism, and Population Health in the United States: The Straightforward, the Complex, Innovations, and the Future

For far too long, U.S. racialized groups have experienced human suffering and loss of life far too often and early. Thus, it is critical that the population sciences community does its part to improve the science, education, and policy in this area of study and help to eliminate ethnoracial disparities in population health. My 2022 PAA Presidential Address focuses on race and ethnicity, racism, and U.S. population health in the United States and is organized into five sections. First, I provide a descriptive overview of ethnoracial disparities in U.S. population health. Second, I emphasize the often overlooked scientific value of such descriptive work and demonstrate how such seemingly straightforward description is complicated by issues of population heterogeneity, time and space, and the complexity of human health. Third, I make the case that the population sciences have generally been far too slow in incorporating the role of racism into explanations for ethnoracial health disparities and lay out a conceptual framework for doing so. Fourth, I discuss how my research team is designing, collecting, and disseminating data for the scientific community that will have potential to, among many other purposes, create a better understanding of ethnoracial health disparities and the role of racism in producing such disparities. Finally, I close by suggesting some policy- and education-related efforts that are needed to address racism and population health within U.S. institutions.

Immigration Policy and the Health of Latina Mothers and Their Infants

Restrictive immigration policies may adversely affect the health of Latina mothers and their infants. We hypothesized that undocumented Latina mothers and their US born children would have worse birth outcomes and healthcare utilization following the November 2016 election. We used a controlled interrupted time series to estimate the impact of the 2016 presidential election on low birth weight (LBW), preterm birth, maternal depression, well child visit attendance, cancelled visits, and emergency department (ED) visits among infants born to Latina mothers on emergency Medicaid, a proxy for undocumented immigration status. There was a 5.8% (95% CI: -0.99%, 12.5%) increase in LBW and 4.6% (95% CI: -1.8%, 10.9%) increase in preterm births immediately after the 2016 election compared to controls. While these findings were not statistically significant at p < 0.05, the majority of our data suggest worsened birth outcomes among undocumented Latina mothers after the election, consistent with larger prior studies. There was no difference in well child or ED visits. While restrictive policies may have contributed to worse birth outcomes among undocumented Latina mothers, our findings suggest that Latino families still attend infants' scheduled visits.

Opportunities and challenges in discussing racism during primary care visits

OBJECTIVE

To understand how patients and primary care practitioners (PCPs) discuss racism and their perspectives on having these conversations during primary care visits.

DATA SOURCES/STUDY SETTING

We conducted semi-structured interviews from September 2020-March 2021 at a Federally Qualified Health Center in the San Francisco Bay Area.

STUDY DESIGN

We conducted an inductive qualitative descriptive pilot study using one-on-one, semi-structured interviews with 5 members of a Patient Advisory Council and 10 internal medicine PCPs.

DATA COLLECTION/EXTRACTION METHODS

Interviews were conducted via video conferencing, recorded, and transcribed. An iterative analytic process was used to thematically assess participants' experiences and perspectives and identify key themes.

PRINCIPAL FINDINGS

Patients and PCPs identified benefits from engaging in conversations about racism during primary care visits and noted challenges and concerns. Patients and PCPs highlighted strategies to advance communication about racism in primary care.

CONCLUSIONS

Initiating conversations about racism with patients in primary care can be meaningful, but also has risks. More research is needed for deeper exploration of patients' perspectives and development of trainings. Improving how PCPs communicate with patients about racism represents an opportunity to advance antiracism in medicine and improve health outcomes for individuals who have historically been poorly served by our health care system.

County-level jail incarceration, community economic distress, rurality, and preterm birth among women in the US South

Introduction

The USA has higher rates of preterm birth and incarceration than any other developed nation, with rates of both being highest in Southern states and among Black Americans, potentially due to rurality and socioeconomic factors. To test our hypothesis that prior-year county-level rates of jail admission, economic distress, and rurality were positively associated with premature birth rates in the county of delivery in 2019 and that the strength of these associations is greater for Black women than for White or Hispanic women, we merged five datasets to perform multivariable analysis of data from 766 counties across 12 Southern/rural states.

Methods

We used multivariable linear regression to model the percentage of babies born premature, stratified by Black (Model 1), Hispanic (Model 2), and White (Model 3) mothers. Each model included all three independent variables of interest measured using data from the Vera Institute, Distressed Communities Index, and Index of Relative Rurality.

Results

In fully fitted stratified models, economic distress was positively associated with premature births among Black (F = 33.81, p < 0.0001) and White (F = 26.50, p < 0.0001) mothers. Rurality was associated with premature births among White mothers (F = 20.02, p < 0.0001). Jail admission rate was not associated with premature births among any racial group, and none of the study variables were associated with premature births among Hispanic mothers.

Conclusions

Understanding the connections between preterm birth and enduring structural inequities is a necessary scientific endeavor to advance to later translational stages in health-disparities research.

Nonsurgical periodontal treatment during pregnancy and rates of preterm birth

BACKGROUND

Periodontitis during pregnancy is associated with an increased risk of preterm birth (<37 weeks of gestation) or low birthweight (<2500 g) offspring. Beyond periodontal disease, the risk of preterm birth varies both by previous history of preterm birth and in association with social determinants prevalent among vulnerable and marginalized populations. This study hypothesized that the timing of periodontal treatment during pregnancy and/or social vulnerability measures modified the response to dental scaling and root planing for the treatment of periodontitis and prevention of preterm birth.

OBJECTIVE

This study aimed to determine the association of timing of dental scaling and root planing for gravidae with a diagnosed periodontal disease on the rates of preterm birth or low birthweight offspring among subgroups or strata of gravidae as part of the Maternal Oral Therapy to Reduce Obstetric Risk randomized controlled trial. All participants in the study had clinically diagnosed periodontal disease and differed by the timing of the periodontal treatment (dental scaling and root planing at <24 weeks [per protocol] or after delivery) or by baseline characteristics. Although all participants met the well-accepted clinical criteria for periodontitis, not all participants acknowledged a priori that they had periodontal disease.

STUDY DESIGN

This was a per-protocol analysis of data from 1455 participants of the Maternal Oral Therapy to Reduce Obstetric Risk trial evaluating dental scaling and root planing on the risk of preterm birth or low birthweight offspring. Adjusted multiple logistic regression to control for confounders was used to estimate associations comparing the timing of periodontal treatment in pregnancy to receiving treatment after pregnancy (referent control) on rates of preterm birth or low birthweight among subgroups of gravidae with known periodontal disease. Study analyses were stratified, and the associations with the following characteristics-body mass index, self-described race and ethnicity, household income, maternal education, recency of immigration, and self-acknowledgment of poor oral health, were explored.

RESULTS

Dental scaling and root planing during the second or third trimester of pregnancy were associated with an increased adjusted odds ratio of preterm birth among those at the lower body mass index strata (18.5 to <25.0 kg/m²) (adjusted odds ratio, 2.21; 95% confidence interval, 1.07-4.98), but not among individuals who were overweight (body mass index of 25.0 to <30.0 kg/m²; adjusted odds ratio, 0.68; 95% confidence interval, 0.29-1.59) or obese (body mass index of ≥30 kg/m²; adjusted odds ratio, 1.26; 95% confidence interval, 0.65-2.49). There was no significant difference in pregnancy outcomes related to the other evaluated variables: self-described race and ethnicity, household income, maternal education, immigration status, or self-acknowledgment of poor oral health.

CONCLUSION

In this per-protocol analysis of the Maternal Oral Therapy to Reduce Obstetric Risk trial, dental scaling and root planing had no preventive benefit against adverse obstetrical outcomes and were associated with increased odds of preterm birth among individuals at lower body mass index strata. There was no significant difference in the occurrence of preterm birth or low birthweight after dental scaling and root planing periodontitis treatment concerning other analyzed social determinants of preterm birth.

What is prenatal stress? A scoping review of how prenatal stress is defined and measured within the context of food insecurity, housing instability, and immigration in the United States

BACKGROUND

Stress during pregnancy can lead to significant adverse outcomes for maternal mental health. Early evaluation of prenatal stress can help identify treatment needs and appropriate interventions. Disparities in the social determinants of health can contribute to stress, but what constitutes stress during pregnancy within the social determinants of health framework is poorly understood.

OBJECTIVE

To scope how prenatal stress is defined and measured among pregnant people exposed to three prominent social stressors in the United States: insecurity pertaining to food, housing, and immigration.

ELIGIBILITY CRITERIA

We included all studies that focused on stress during pregnancy in the context of food insecurity, housing instability, and immigration, given their recent policy focus due to the COVID-19 pandemic and ongoing political discourse, in addition to their importance in American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG's) social determinants of health screening tool.

SOURCES OF EVIDENCE

We searched PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science for articles published between January 2012 and January 2022.

CHARTING METHODS

Using a piloted charting tool, we extracted relevant study information from the selected articles and analyzed the content pertaining to stress.

RESULTS

An initial search identified 1,023 articles, of which 24 met our inclusion criteria. None of the studies defined prenatal stress, and only one used the Prenatal Distress Questionnaire, a prenatal stress-specific tool to measure it. The Perceived Stress Scale was the most common instrument used in seven studies. Fifteen studies measured over 25 alternative exposures that researchers theorized were associated with stress, and 4 of the 15 studies did not explain the association between the measure and stress.

CONCLUSIONS

Our findings demonstrate a fundamental inconsistency in how prenatal stress is defined and measured in the context of social determinants of health, limiting the comparison of results across studies and the potential development of effective interventions to promote better maternal mental health.

Politically related stress and low-birth-weight infants among Arab, Asian, Hispanic, non-Hispanic Black, and non-Hispanic White women in Michigan

BACKGROUND

Despite the high cost of low birth weight and the persistent challenge of racial inequities affecting the Arab American community, there has been limited research to identify and examine risk factors for these inequities with validated data on Arab American ethnicity and recent population stressors.

OBJECTIVES

This study examined whether the 2016 presidential election is associated with low birth weight among non-Hispanic White, Arab American, Hispanic, and non-Hispanic Black women.

DESIGN

This population-based study of singleton births in Michigan (2008-2017) used an algorithm to identify mothers who were of Arab descent.

METHODS

We used logistic regression to estimate odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals for the association between race/ethnicity and the odds of low birth weight. We examined whether these associations differed before and after the 2016 presidential election and according to maternal education.

RESULTS

There were 1,019,738 births, including 66,272 (6.5%) classified as low birth weight. The odds of having a low-birth-weight infant were higher among all minority women compared to non-Hispanic White women. The association was similar before and after the 2016 presidential election and stronger among women with higher levels of education.

CONCLUSION

This is the first study to estimate low birth weight among Arab American women in the context of political events. There are opportunities for future studies to discuss this issue in depth.

Toward a socially just diversity science: Using intersectional mixed methods research to center multiply marginalized Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC)

OBJECTIVE

Plaut's breakthrough 2010 publication on diversity science-the study of meaningful human differences-set in motion a generative field of theory and research. Yet, to move diversity science forward, innovative methods that explicitly center the experiences of Black, Indigenous, and People of Color (BIPOC) who encounter multiple forms of marginalization must be adopted. One such approach is intersectional mixed methods research-a methodological approach that uses intersectionality theory to guide the use of both quantitative and qualitative methods within a single study.

CONCLUSIONS

We argue that intersectional mixed methods research includes four tenets: (1) research questions prioritize multiply marginalized BIPOC individuals, (2) the multiple realities of BIPOC individuals are honored and embraced, (3) identity-related variables (e.g., self-reported discrimination) are studied alongside systems-level variables (e.g., structural racism), and (4) scholars engage in critical reflexivity. We also propose that intersectional mixed methods research can advance scholarship on multiply marginalized BIPOC individuals by fulfilling one of five purposes: Triangulation, complementarity, expansion, development, and initiation. We close with a discussion of tensions and recommendations. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Birth and prenatal care outcomes of Latina mothers in the Trump era: Analysis by nativity and country/region of origin

We examined whether and how birth outcomes and prenatal care utilization among Latina mothers changed over time across years associated with the Trump sociopolitical environment, using restricted-use birth records from the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS). To assess potential variation among subpopulations, we disaggregated the analyses by maternal nativity and country/region of origin. Our results indicate that both US- and foreign-born Latina mothers experienced increasingly higher risks of delivering low birthweight (LBW) and preterm birth (PTB) infants over the years associated with Trump's political career. Among foreign-born Latinas, adverse birth outcomes increased significantly among mothers from Mexico and Central America but not among mothers from Puerto Rico, Cuba, and South America. Levels of inadequate prenatal care utilization remained largely unchanged among groups who saw increases in LBW and PTB, suggesting that changes in prenatal care did not generally explain the observed worsening of birth outcomes among Latina mothers during the Trump era. Results from this study draw attention to the possibility that the Trump era may have represented a source of chronic stress among the Latinx population in the US and add to the growing body of literature linking racism and xenophobia in the sociopolitical environment to declines in health among Latinx people, especially among targeted groups from Mexico and Central America.

Resentment Is Like Drinking Poison? The Heterogeneous Health Effects of Affective Polarization

Affective polarization-the tendency for individuals to exhibit animosity toward those on the opposite side of the partisan divide-has increased in the United States in recent years. This article presents evidence that this trend may have consequences for Americans' health. Structural equation model analyses of nationally representative survey data from Pew Research Center's American Trends Panel (n = 4,685) showed heterogeneous relationships between affectively polarized attitudes and self-rated health. On one hand, such attitudes were directly negatively associated with health such that the polarized political environment was proposed to operate as a sociopolitical stressor. Simultaneously, affective polarization was positively associated with political participation, which in turn was positively associated with health, although the direct negative effect was substantially larger than the indirect positive one. These results suggest that today's increasingly hostile and pervasive form of partisanship may undermine Americans' health even as it induces greater political engagement.

Elections have (health) consequences: Depression, anxiety, and the 2020 presidential election

In this paper, we examine the effect of the 2020 presidential election on anxiety and depression among Americans. We use data from the 2020 Household Pulse Survey (HPS), a nationally representative rapid response survey conducted weekly from April to July of 2020 and then bi-weekly until December of 2021. The high-frequency nature of the survey implies that we can identify week-to-week changes in mental health outcomes. We find that self-reported symptoms of moderate to severe anxiety and depression increased steadily up to the presidential election and declined after the election. The anxiety and depression levels are significantly higher around the 2020 election than in April 2020, when most of the U.S. was under mandatory or advisory stay-at-home orders due to the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, anxiety and depression-specific office visits and usage of mental-health-specific prescription drugs show similar patterns. Robustness checks rule out alternative explanations such as a COVID-19 surge or vaccine development.

The Pandemial babies: effects of maternal stress on temperament of babies gestated and born during the pandemic

The COVID-19 pandemic may configure an adverse prenatal context for early development. The aim of this study was to analyze the effects of pandemic-related negative experiences, prenatal anxiety and depression on the temperament of six-month-old babies. The sample consisted of 105 mother-child dyads. A longitudinal evaluation was carried out using pre- and postnatal online surveys. Mothers completed the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory, the Beck Depression Inventory - II, the Pandemic Impact Questionnaire and the Infant Behavior Questionnaire Revised. Serial mediation models were tested, in which the pandemic-related negative experiences constituted the independent variable, the prenatal anxiety and depression were the mediators, and the children's temperament dimensions were the dependent variables. Pandemic-related negative experiences were indirectly associated with the offspring's negative affect and surgency through anxious symptomatology, which acted as a mediating variable. This was the first study to identify the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on temperament. Such an adverse context implies risks for child development. Public health policies aiming to evaluate socioemotional variables during early childhood become necessary to allow on-time interventions for lessening these risks.

The 2016 Presidential Election and Prenatal Care Utilization Among Foreign-born Hispanic Pregnant People

BACKGROUND

Few studies have evaluated the relationship between adequate and timely prenatal care among immigrant pregnant people and the recent political climate, including the 2016 election and associated campaigns.

OBJECTIVES

We examine whether the 2016 presidential election was associated with changes in prenatal care utilization among US foreign-born Hispanic pregnant people.

RESEARCH DESIGN

Interrupted time series.

SUBJECTS

All foreign-born Hispanic and US-born non-Hispanic White people delivering singleton infants from 2008 to 2017 who resided in the 23 states that fully implemented the 2003 version of the birth certificate before January 2008 (n=12,397,503).

MEASURES

We examine the relationship between the presidential election and changes in the odds of inadequate or late/no prenatal care among immigrant Hispanic pregnant people, as well as trends in prenatal care utilization before the election.

RESULTS

Our results show no unexpected changes in receipt of inadequate prenatal care, and late/no prenatal care, among the 7 monthly conception cohorts exposed to the election before the third trimester. However, we detected increases in the odds of both inadequate care and late/no prenatal care among foreign-born Hispanic pregnant people in June 2015 and January 2016, respectively. These upward level shifts persisted through the remainder of our time series ending with the cohort conceived around December 2016.

CONCLUSIONS

The worsening shifts in prenatal care utilization we observe may serve as a bellwether for worsening outcomes among immigrant women and their families. Research is therefore urgently needed to investigate the determinants and consequences of these concerning trends.

Analysis of Residential Segregation and Racial and Ethnic Disparities in Severe Maternal Morbidity Before and During the COVID-19 Pandemic

IMPORTANCE

Persistent racial and ethnic disparities in severe maternal morbidity (SMM) in the US remain a public health concern. Structural racism leaves women of color in a disadvantaged situation especially during COVID-19, leading to disproportionate pandemic afflictions among racial and ethnic minority women.

OBJECTIVE

To examine racial and ethnic disparities in SMM rates before and during the COVID-19 pandemic and whether the disparities varied with level of Black residential segregation.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

A statewide population-based retrospective cohort study used birth certificates linked to all-payer childbirth claims data in South Carolina. Participants included women who gave birth between January 2018 and June 2021. Data were analyzed from December 2021 to February 2022.

EXPOSURES

Exposures were (1) period when women gave birth, either before the pandemic (January 2018 to February 2020) or during the pandemic (March 2020 to June 2021) and (2) Black-White residential segregation (isolation index), categorizing US Census tracts in a county as low (<40%), medium (40%-59%), and high (≥60%).

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES

SMM was identified using International Statistical Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision, Clinical Modification (ICD-10-CM) codes developed by the US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Multilevel logistic regressions with an interrupted approach were used, adjusting for maternal-level and facility-level factors, accounting for residential county-level random effects.

RESULTS

Of 166 791 women, 95 098 (57.0%) lived in low-segregated counties (mean [SD] age, 28.1 [5.7] years; 5126 [5.4%] Hispanic; 20 523 [21.6%] non-Hispanic Black; 62 690 [65.9%] White), and 23 521 (14.1%) women (mean [SD] age, 28.1 [5.8] years; 782 [3.3%] Hispanic; 12 880 [54.8%] non-Hispanic Black; 7988 [34.0%] White) lived in high-segregated areas. Prepandemic SMM rates were decreasing, followed by monthly increasing trends after March 2020. On average, living in high-segregated communities was associated with higher odds of SMM (adjusted odds ratio [aOR], 1.61; 95% CI, 1.06-2.34). Black women regardless of residential segregation had higher odds of SMM than White women (aOR, 1.47; 95% CI, 1.11-1.96 for low-segregation; 2.12; 95% CI, 1.38-3.26 for high-segregation). Hispanic women living in low-segregated communities had lower odds of SMM (aOR, 0.48; 95% CI, 0.25-0.90) but those living in high-segregated communities had nearly twice the odds of SMM (aOR, 1.91; 95% CI, 1.07-4.17) as their White counterparts.

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

Living in high-segregated Black communities in South Carolina was associated with racial and ethnic SMM disparities. During the COVID-19 pandemic, Black vs White disparities persisted with no signs of widening gaps, whereas Hispanic vs White disparities were exacerbated. Policy reforms on reducing residential segregation or combating the corresponding structural racism are warranted to help improve maternal health.

The structural impacts of enforcement policy on Latino immigrant health

As evidence of the negative health impact of immigration enforcement policy continues to mount, public health research has focused primarily on the psychosocial health mechanisms, such as fear and stress, by which immigration enforcement may harm health. We build on this research using structural vulnerability theory to investigate the structural processes by which enforcement policy may shape Latino immigrants' health. We conducted qualitative analysis of testimonios from a purposive sample of Latino immigrants (n=14) living in Southern California in 2015, a period of significant federal, state, and local enforcement policy change. Testimonios are a narrative methodology used across the social sciences and humanities to center the voices of marginalized people. Through unstructured testimonio interviews, we sought to understand Latino immigrants' experiences with immigration enforcement and identify specific structural factors by which those experiences may influence health. Respondents' narratives revealed that singular enforcement experiences were not viewed as the sole manifestation of enforcement, but as part of a system of intersecting physical, legal, institutional, and economic exclusions which shaped the social and economic conditions that influence health. These exclusions reinforced respondents' marginalization, produced instability about the future, and generated a sense of individual responsibility and blame. We discuss how physical, legal, institutional, and economic processes may influence health and propose a framework to inform population health research on intersecting structural health mechanisms.

Changes in sociocultural stressors, protective factors, and mental health for US Latina mothers in a shifting political climate

Background

To investigate changes in sociocultural stressors and protective factors, and mental health in Latina mothers before and after the 2016 Republican presidential nomination.

Methods

We examined changes in sociocultural stressors, protective factors, and mental health from two prospective cohorts of Latina mothers from interior and border US cities (Nashville, TN, n = 39 and San Diego, CA, ns range = 78–83; 2013–2020).

Results

We identified significant longitudinal increases in depression, anxiety, and perceived stress in the border city, and reductions in protective factors (e.g., optimism, social support, and familism) across sites. Discrimination varied by location, and was associated with higher stress only at baseline in the border city, and with higher anxiety in the interior city at follow-up. Acculturative stress was consistently associated with worse mental health across time points in the border city. Various protective factors were associated with reduced stress and anxiety across time points in both cities.

Discussion

We identified decreased mental health at the border city, and reduced protective factors in Latina mothers across both study sites in the years following the 2016 presidential nomination, during a time of shifting sociopolitical climate. We also identify increased acculturative stress and discrimination over time, particularly at the border city. Interventions to maintain and enhance psychosocial protective factors amongst Latina mothers are warranted.

Association between immigration enforcement encounters and COVID-19 testing and delays in care: a cross-sectional study of undocumented young adult immigrants in california

BACKGROUND

Undocumented immigrants are expected to face increased risks related to COVID-19 due to marginalizing restrictive immigration policies. However, few studies have assessed the prevalence of direct encounters with the immigration enforcement system among the undocumented and its impacts on their COVID-related health behaviors and outcomes. In this study, we quantify undocumented immigrants' lifetime exposure to various immigration enforcement tactics and their association with delays in COVID-19 testing and healthcare behaviors.

METHODS

This cross-sectional study included a non-random sample of 326 Asian and Latinx undocumented immigrants in California from September 2020 to February 2021. The primary exposure was immigration enforcement encounter scores ranging from 0-9, assessed through self-reports of direct experiences with the immigration system, immigration officials, and law enforcement. The main outcomes were positive test for COVID-19, had or suspected having COVID-19, and delayed or avoided testing and/or treatment for COVID-19 due to immigration status. We used multivariable logistic regression models to examine the association between the primary exposure and outcomes of interest.

RESULTS

Among 326 participants, 7% had received a positive COVID-19 test result, while 43% reported having or suspected having COVID-19. Almost 13% delayed or avoided COVID-19 testing and/or treatment because of their immigration status. Overall, an increase in immigration enforcement encounters was associated with higher odds of suspecting having had COVID-19 (aOR = 1.13; 95% CI: 1.01,1.26). Reporting an additional enforcement encounter was associated with higher odds of delaying or avoiding testing and/or treatment because of immigration status (aOR = 1.53, 95% CI: 1.26,1.86). Compared to their Latino counterparts, Asian respondents were more likely to report higher odds of delaying or avoiding testing and/or treatment (aOR = 3.13, 95% CI: 1.17,8.42). There were no significant associations between the enforcement score and testing positive for COVID-19. Additionally, while Latinxs were more likely to report immigration enforcement encounters than Asians, there were no differences in the effects of race on COVID-19 testing and healthcare behaviors in models with race as an interaction term (p < 0.05).

CONCLUSIONS

Immigration enforcement encounters compound barriers to COVID-19 testing and treatment for undocumented immigrants.

How demographics and concerns about the Trump administration relate to prenatal mental health among Latina women

RATIONALE

The 2016 U.S. presidential election and its aftermath involved political rhetoric and policies that especially targeted women, Latinos, and immigrants. It is possible that concerns about the political environment could affect mental health of individuals in targeted groups.

OBJECTIVE

In a cohort of 148 pregnant Latina women, this study investigated how demographics and political concerns related to each other and to maternal anxiety, depression, and perceived stress, which have been associated with adverse birth and child development outcomes.

METHODS

In this cross-sectional, self-report study, participants in Southern California completed a one-time questionnaire from January 2017 to May 2018.

RESULTS

The highest rates of endorsement were for concerns regarding President Trump's racism, attitude towards women, and deportation risk for family or friends. From several demographic variables, the only significant predictor of state anxiety was expectant parents' birthplaces. From several political concerns variables, the only significant predictor of state anxiety was President Trump's attitude towards women or women's rights. There were no significant effects on other mental health outcomes.

CONCLUSIONS

Results suggest that birthplace and women's issues may be particularly salient anxiety risk factors for Latina pregnant women in this context. Because of the cross-sectional study design, it is possible that, conversely, pregnant women with high anxiety levels are particularly sensitive to the issue of birthplace or women's rights. Results imply that the political climate and events in the U.S. could have deleterious consequences that may cascade across generations of Latino Americans via effects on pregnant women.

Modeling the Likelihood of Low Birth Weight: Findings from a Chicago-Area Health System

OBJECTIVE

This study presents a statistical model of the incidence of low birth weight (LBW) births in a large, Chicago-area hospital system. The study was undertaken to provide a strategic framework for future health system interventions.

METHODS

Administrative and electronic health records were matched to census Zip Code Tabulation Area (ZCTA) household poverty data for 42,681 births in 2016-2019 at seven system hospitals, serving a diverse patient population. A logistic regression model of LBW incidence was estimated to test the independent significance of maternal sociodemographic characteristics after controlling for clinical risk factors.

RESULTS

The incidence of LBW was 6.3% overall but 11.3% among non-Hispanic Black patients as compared to 5.1% among non-Hispanic White patients. LBW incidence ranged from 9.2% for patients from the poorest ZCTA (20% + poor households) compared to 5.6% of patients from the most affluent (< 5% poor) ZCTA. Nulliparous patients, patients with pre-existing chronic conditions, and patients with hypertensive disorders of pregnancy were significantly more likely to have LBW births. After controlling for clinical risk factors and poverty level, non-Hispanic Black patients were still over 80% more likely and to have a LBW birth.

DISCUSSION

Study findings reveal the joint effects of social and clinical risk factors. Findings profile our highest-risk populations for targeted interventions. Promising prenatal care redesign programs include pregnancy patient navigators, home and group visits, eHealth telemonitoring, improved mental health screening, and diversification of the maternity care workforce. Decreasing LBW births should be a national public health policy priority and will require major investments in the most impacted communities.

Highly public anti-Black violence and preterm birth odds for Black and White mothers

Highly public anti-Black violence may increase preterm birth in the general population of pregnant women via stress-mediated paths, particularly Black women exposed in early gestation. To examine spillover from racial violence in the US, we included a total of 49 high publicity incidents of the following types: police lethal force toward Black persons, legal decisions not to indict/convict officers involved, and hate crime murders of Black victims. National search interest in these incidents was measured via Google Trends to proxy for public awareness of racial violence. Timing of racial violence was coded in relation to a three-month preconception period and subsequent pregnancy trimesters, with the primary hypothesis being that first trimester exposure is associated with higher preterm birth odds. The national sample included 1.6 million singleton live births to US-born Black mothers and 6.6 million births to US-born White mothers from 2014 to 2017. Using a preregistered analysis plan, findings show that Black mothers had 5% higher preterm birth odds when exposed to any high publicity racial incidents relative to none in their first trimester, and 2-3% higher preterm birth odds with each log10 increase in national interest. However, post hoc sensitivity tests that included month fixed effects attenuated these associations to null. For White mothers, associations were smaller but of a similar pattern, and were attenuated when including month fixed effects. Highly public anti-Black violence may act as a national stressor, yet whether racial violence is associated with reproductive outcomes in the population is unknown and merits further research.

COVID-19 and decreased asylum access: mother work, precarity and preocupación among Central American asylum-seekers in Los Angeles

In 2020, the public health response to the COVID-19 pandemic and the U.S. government's increased legal restrictions on asylum-seekers acted together to increase social, economic and legal precarity in the lives of Central American asylum-seeking mothers in Los Angeles. In this context, these asylum-seeking mothers discussed their intersectional precarities through the idiom of distress "preocupación", which signalled the concerns, worries, and fears they had in relation to the daily mother work of raising their children. Using ethnographic data collected during the COVID-19 pandemic, I examine how the intersectional precarities Central American asylum-seeking mothers faced necessitated protecting their children from their own preocupación. Through this, I argue that by using the analytic of preocupación it is possible to see exactly how racial and legal barriers to care increase precarity in the lives of asylum-seeking mothers in the U.S., and the detrimental impact that intersectional precarities have on asylum-seekers' mother work today.

The Impact of Maternal Prenatal Stress Related to the COVID-19 Pandemic during the First 1000 Days: A Historical Perspective

The COVID-19 pandemic has a major impact on society, particularly affecting its vulnerable members, including pregnant women and their unborn children. Pregnant mothers reported fear of infection, fear of vertical transmission, fear of poor birth and child outcomes, social isolation, uncertainty about their partner's presence during medical appointments and delivery, increased domestic abuse, and other collateral damage, including vaccine hesitancy. Accordingly, pregnant women's known vulnerability for mental health problems has become a concern during the COVID-19 pandemic, also because of the known effects of prenatal stress for the unborn child. The current narrative review provides a historical overview of transgenerational effects of exposure to disasters during pregnancy, and the role of maternal prenatal stress. We place these effects into the perspective of the COVID-19 pandemic. Hereby, we aim to draw attention to the psychological impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on women of reproductive age (15-49 year) and its potential associated short-term and long-term consequences for the health of children who are conceived, carried, and born during this pandemic. Timely detection and intervention during the first 1000 days is essential to reduce the burden of transgenerational effects of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Association of the 2020 US Presidential Election With Hospitalizations for Acute Cardiovascular Conditions

IMPORTANCE

Prior studies found a higher risk of acute cardiovascular disease (CVD) around population-wide psychosocial or environmental stressors. Less is known about acute CVD risk in relation to political events.

OBJECTIVE

To examine acute CVD hospitalizations following the 2020 presidential election.

DESIGN, SETTING, AND PARTICIPANTS

This retrospective cohort study examined acute CVD hospitalizations following the 2020 presidential election. Participants were adult members aged 18 years or older at Kaiser Permanente Southern California and Kaiser Permanente Northern California, 2 large, integrated health care delivery systems. Statistical analysis was performed from March to July 2021.

EXPOSURE

2020 US presidential election.

MAIN OUTCOMES AND MEASURES

Hospitalizations for acute CVD around the 2020 presidential election were examined. CVD was defined as hospitalizations for acute myocardial infarction (AMI), heart failure (HF), or stroke. Rate ratios (RR) and 95% CIs were calculated comparing rates of CVD hospitalization in the 5 days following the 2020 election with the same 5-day period 2 weeks prior.

RESULTS

Among 6 396 830 adults (3 970 077 [62.1%] aged 18 to 54 years; 3 422 479 [53.5%] female; 1 083 128 [16.9%] Asian/Pacific Islander, 2 101 367 [32.9%] Hispanic, and 2 641 897 [41.3%] White), rates of hospitalization for CVD following the election (666 hospitalizations; rate = 760.5 per 100 000 person-years [PY]) were 1.17 times higher (95% CI, 1.05-1.31) compared with the same 5-day period 2 weeks prior (569 hospitalizations; rate = 648.0 per 100 000 PY). Rates of AMI were significantly higher following the election (RR, 1.42; 95% CI, 1.13-1.79). No significant difference was found for stroke (RR, 1.02; 95% CI, 0.86-1.21) or HF (RR, 1.18; 95% CI, 0.98-1.42).

CONCLUSIONS AND RELEVANCE

Higher rates of acute CVD hospitalization were observed following the 2020 presidential election. Awareness of the heightened risk of CVD and strategies to mitigate risk during notable political events are needed.

Coverage and Framing of Immigration Policy in US Newspapers

Policy Points Although immigration policy is recognized as a social determinant of health, less is known about how mechanisms, such as news coverage of policy, influence intermediary and proximal health processes like seeking health care. The extent of news coverage of federal, state, and local exclusionary or integration immigration policies can influence public agendas regarding immigrant inclusion and exclusion. Exclusionary federal immigrant policies have dominated the news across the United States over the past ten years, despite active immigrant integration policymaking at national, state, and local levels.

CONTEXT

Immigration policymaking at federal, state, and local levels in the United States has proliferated in the past decade. While evidence demonstrates that immigration policy is a determinant of health, there has been limited examination of the mechanisms by which policy influences proximal health processes. News coverage has served as a central platform for debates over restrictive and inclusive immigration policies and may constitute an important health mechanism by shaping public agendas, influencing support for immigrant exclusion or inclusion, and framing policy issues, thereby influencing immigrants' social climates. This study sought to examine the extent of news coverage of exclusionary and inclusive immigration policy at federal and state levels and variations in messages about immigrants during two periods of extensive policymaking.

METHODS

We conducted a quantitative content analysis of newspapers' coverage of immigration policy between 2010 and 2013 and between 2017 and 2019. We conducted a systematic NewsBank search of articles covering legislation, lawsuits, and other policies related to immigration (n = 931). Articles were coded for policy type and level, positive or negative framing of immigrants, and other characteristics. Our analysis then compared the patterns of the two periods.

RESULTS

In both periods, the majority of coverage focused on exclusionary policies at the federal level, despite a significant increase in integration policies between 2017 and 2019. We found significant shifts in both the negative and positive framing of immigrants, from the dominant negative messages of immigrants as an economic drain to immigrants as criminals and the dominant positive messages of immigrants' economic contributions to immigrants as families.

CONCLUSIONS

Since 2010, coverage of exclusionary federal policy has consistently dominated the news, as messages have increasingly described immigrants as either criminals or part of families. We discuss the health implications and future research directions of news coverages' role in influencing the immigration policy and social contexts that have been linked to health outcomes.

Structural Heteropatriarchy and Birth Outcomes in the United States

Emerging evidence links structural sexism and structural discrimination against lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) populations to poor health outcomes, but studies have yet to examine the combined effects of these mutually reinforcing systems of inequality. Therefore, we developed a composite measure of structural heteropatriarchy-which includes state-level LGB policies, family planning policies, and indicators of structural sexism (e.g., women's political and economic position relative to men)-and examined its relationship to birth outcomes using data from Waves I to V of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent to Adult Health. Multivariate regression analyses demonstrated that higher levels of heteropatriarchy were associated with an increased risk of preterm birth and decreased birth weight, net of important covariates. There was no association between clinical low birth weight and heteropatriarchy, or interactions between heteropatriarchy and individuals' race, ethnicity or sexual identity, suggesting a negative effect of heteropatriarchy on birth outcomes for all pregnant people. This study demonstrates the importance of considering gender and sexuality as mutually reinforcing systems of oppression that impact population health. Future research should examine the impact of heteropatriarchy on additional health outcomes and in conjunction with other structural inequalities such as racism and transgender oppression.

Staying "One Step Ahead of a Racist": Expanding Understandings of the Experiences of the Covid-19 Pandemic Among People From Minoritized Ethnic Groups Living in Britain

Covid-19 has had a disproportionate impact on those in minoritized ethnic groups. Considerable attention has been given to evidence of ethnic inequalities in rates of infection, hospitalisation, and death. But other ways in which the pandemic experience has been affected by ethnicity have received less consideration. This paper explores the lived experiences of people in different minoritized ethnic groups living in South West England, during the United Kingdom's first pandemic lockdown, using qualitative data collected from interviews and comments provided on a survey. Perceived positive opportunities for growth were offset by anxiety and stress, which were themselves compounded by an awareness of the additional risks they experienced as members of racialised groups, and a sense that this was being ignored-or intentionally exacerbated-by the British authorities. Frustration with an incompetent and corrupt national Government was intensified by concerns regarding their racist motives. Racism in wider society undermined confidence in key public institutions, such as the NHS and the police, while also producing barriers to informal local-community pandemic responses. Only through recognition of the particular ways in which the pandemic affected those in minoritized ethnic groups, including the multiple and compounding effects of current and historical racism, will it be possible to identify avenues for transformative systemic policy change and opportunities to rebuild trust and a better post-pandemic society for all.

Including Children in Immigrant Families in Policy Approaches to Reduce Child Poverty

Although they are an increasing share of the US child population (26% in 2020) and have much higher poverty rates than children in nonimmigrant families (20.9% vs 9.9%), children in immigrant families have much more restricted access to the social safety net, which can lead to increased economic hardship and health and developmental risks. More than 90% of children in immigrant families are US citizens, but they are excluded from the safety net due to restrictions that affect their parents and other family members. Exclusions that affect children in immigrant families include restricted categorical eligibility based on immigrant status, stricter income eligibility, reduced benefit levels, high administrative burden, and interactions with immigration policy such as public charge. These exclusions limit the ability of both existing and enhanced social programs to reduce child poverty among this population. Results derived from the Transfer Income Model simulations for the National Academy of Sciences, Engineering and Medicine's 2019 report A Roadmap to Reducing Child Poverty show that the poverty-reducing effects of potential enhancements to three main antipoverty programs result in unequal poverty reduction effects by family citizenship/immigration status with disproportionate negative effects on Hispanic children, 54% of whom live in immigrant families. Policy principles to improve equitable access and poverty-reduction effects of social programs for children in immigrant families include basing eligibility and benefit levels on the developmental, health and nutrition needs of the child instead of the immigration status of other family members, reducing administrative burden, and eliminating the link between immigration policy and access to the safety net.

The contribution of racism-related stress and adversity to disparities in birth outcomes: evidence and research recommendations

Currently, racial and ethnic differences in adverse birth outcomes and infant mortality are some of the largest and most persistent health disparities in the United States. This narrative review article synthesizes existing literature to present a conceptual model of how racism-related stress and adversity are critical determinants of such disparities. We describe how historical and ongoing racism has created conditions wherein women of color are disproportionately exposed to chronic, multilayered stress and adversity and how the biological consequences of exposure to these stressors confers risk for adverse birth outcomes. Next, we identify important priorities and considerations for future research, including the heterogeneity of racism-related stressors, biomarkers and mechanisms, chronicity and sensitive periods of exposure, developmental programming of lifespan health, resilience, and community-engaged research methodologies.

•

Historical and ongoing racism has created conditions wherein women of color are disproportionately exposed to stress and adversity.

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The consequences of exposure to racism-related stress and adversity can confer risk for health conditions implicated in adverse birth outcomes and alter maternal physiology associated with fetal development and timing of parturition.

•

Conjointly studying racism-related stress, biologic profiles, and birth outcomes is a priority for future research.

•

It is important to identify factors that mitigate the impact of racism-related stress and adversity on birth outcomes.

Symbolic disempowerment and Donald Trump's 2016 presidential election: Mental health responses among Latinx and white populations

The 2016 election of United States (U.S.) President Donald Trump was a political event that may have affected population-level mental health. A prominent theme in the Trump election was anti-immigrant policy that contributed to a racist and xenophobic sociopolitical climate. Applying a symbolic dis/empowerment framework, this study examines whether there was an effect of the Trump election on the mental health of the U.S. population that differed by race/ethnicity, language of interview, and state-level support for Trump or Clinton. We used data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention's Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System 2011-2018 to examine trends in poor mental health days in the five months after the U.S Presidential election (November 2016 to March 2017) compared to all other survey months. We conducted difference-in-differences analyses using negative binomial regression models to examine the effect of the five post-election months on the rate of poor mental health days, comparing six population categories: 1) non-Latinx white populations in Trump states, 2) non-Latinx white populations in Clinton states, 3) English-speaking Latinx populations in Trump states, 4) English-speaking Latinx populations in Clinton states, 5) Spanish-speaking Latinx populations in Trump states, and 6) Spanish-speaking Latinx populations in Clinton states. White populations in Clinton states reported more poor mental health days in response to the five months post-election period compared to white populations in Trump states. English-speaking Latinx people living in Trump states experienced higher than expected poor mental health days in November 2016 and February 2017. Spanish-speaking Latinx people, by contrast, reported fewer poor mental health days in the post-election period. The 2016 U.S. presidential election preceded population-level changes in mental health that support a symbolic dis/empowerment framework. We discuss possible explanations and the mental health implications for future major political events.

Reimagining Perinatal Mental Health: An Expansive Vision For Structural Change

Diagnoses of depression, anxiety, or other mental illness capture just one aspect of the psychosocial elements of the perinatal period. Perinatal loss; trauma; unstable, unsafe, or inhumane work environments; structural racism and gendered oppression in health care and society; and the lack of a social safety net threaten the overall well-being of birthing people, their families, and communities. Developing relevant policies for perinatal mental health thus requires attending to the intersecting effects of racism, poverty, lack of child care, inadequate postpartum support, and other structural violence on health. To fully understand and address this issue, we use a human rights framework to articulate how and why policy makers must take progressive action toward this goal. This commentary, written by an interdisciplinary and intergenerational team, employs personal and professional expertise to disrupt underlying assumptions about psychosocial aspects of the perinatal experience and reimagines a new way forward to facilitate well-being in the perinatal period.

Barriers and Facilitators to Implementation of Health System Interventions Aiming to Welcome and Protect Immigrant Patients: a Qualitative Study

BACKGROUND

At the same time that federal policymakers have enforced restrictive immigration policies, healthcare systems across the USA are developing, and have implemented, interventions aimed at addressing immigration-related stressors faced by immigrant communities. Yet, little is known about the contextual determinants that influence their implementation success. Using the Consolidated Framework for Implementation Research (CFIR), this study identifies factors enabling or challenging the implementation of interventions aimed at mitigating immigration-related stressors in the healthcare context.

METHODS

We used a qualitative research design to conduct 38 semi-structured interviews with stakeholders involved in implementation of interventions at 25 healthcare facilities across 5 states with the highest undocumented immigrant populations (California, Texas, New York, Florida, and Illinois). Interviews were conducted from May through August 2018. Constant comparative analysis was used to identify barrier and facilitator themes. Deductive coding was thereafter used to categorize themes according to CFIR domain.

RESULTS

Barriers to implementation included perceptions of legal complexity and challenges to adopting such systemic strategies. Facilitators included a national policy climate that had brought immigrant health to the forefront, allowing for leveraging momentum towards institutional change; communication among healthcare personnel; existing community partnerships with immigrant rights and service organizations; and a shared sense of mission centering health equity. Local variation in immigration-related policies (e.g., local law agencies enforcing federal immigration laws) and heterogeneity of local immigrant communities also impacted implementation. Champions and informal leaders were integral to institutional efforts but not sufficient for sustainability. Perceived urgency to act superseded evaluation considerations, with all interventions in initial phases of implementation. Future iterations and evaluations of these interventions are needed to establish best practices and implementation determinants.

CONCLUSION

This is the first systematic study describing implementation determinants of immigration-related interventions across health systems. Identifying these determinants provides guidance to other healthcare organizations to effectively strategize and ensure implementation success.