A review of policies and practices related to the ‘highest-low’ fertility of Sweden

Life-Course Relationship between Socioeconomic Circumstances and Timing of First Birth in a Birth Cohort

OBJECTIVES

This study examines the influence of socioeconomic circumstances in childhood (childhood SES) and adulthood (adult SES) on timing of first birth by age 37.

METHODS

A longitudinal study of a 1972-1973 New Zealand birth cohort collected information on socioeconomic characteristics from age 3-32 and reproductive histories at 21, 26, 32 and 38; information on first birth was available from 978 of the original 1037. Relative Risks (RR) and 95% Confidence Intervals (CI) were calculated using Poisson regression to examine first live birth prior to age 21, from 21-25, from 26-31, and from 32-37, by socioeconomic characteristics at different ages.

RESULTS

Overall, 68.5% of men had fathered a child and 75.9% of women had given birth, by age 37; with overall differences in parenthood to age 31 for men, and 37 for women evident by childhood SES. While parenthood by age 20 was strongly associated with lower childhood SES for both sexes, first entry into motherhood from 32-37 was more likely with higher adult SES at age 32 (RR = 1.8, 95% CI 1.1-3.0 for medium and RR = 1.9, 95% CI 1.1-3.3 for high compared with low). Education also differientated age at parenthood, with those with higher education more likely to defer fatherhood past age 31, and motherhood past age 25 followed by a period of increased likelihood of motherhood for women with higher levels of education from age 32-37 (RR = 1.4, 95% CI 0.87-2.2 and RR = 1.7, 95% CI 1.1-2.6 for medium and high respectively compared with low).

CONCLUSIONS

SES varies across the lifecourse, and SES at the time has the strongest association with first births at that time. Low childhood SES drives adolescent parenthood, with resulting cumulative differences in parenthood past age 30. Those with more education and higher adult SES are deferring parenthood but attempt to catch up in the mid to late thirties.

How can family policies reconcile fertility and women's employment? Comparisons between South Korea and Sweden

South Korea has extremely low rates of fertility and labor force participation by women during their childbearing years, whereas Sweden has high rates for both. Variations in family policy models may explain differences in fertility and women's employment between the two countries. Drawing upon literature that examines the effects of family policies on fertility and women's employment, this paper compares childcare support for very young children and parental leave policies in South Korea and Sweden. Thereafter, we discuss the importance of providing stronger support for dual-earner rather than single-earner families to reconcile the two objectives of increasing fertility and women's workforce participation. Specifically, it is critical to: (a) enhance the quantity and quality of childcare services for very young children, (b) achieve gender equality in parental leave policies, and

Childbearing across partnerships in Australia, the United States, Norway, and Sweden

This article compares mothers' experience of having children with more than one partner in two liberal welfare regimes (the United States and Australia) and two social democratic regimes (Sweden and Norway). We use survey-based union and birth histories in Australia and the United States and data from national population registers in Norway and Sweden to estimate the likelihood of experiencing childbearing across partnerships at any point in the childbearing career. We find that births with new partners constitute a substantial proportion of all births in each country we study. Despite quite different arrangements for social welfare, the determinants of childbearing across partnerships are very similar. Women who had their first birth at a very young age or who are less well-educated are most likely to have children with different partners. The educational gradient in childbearing across partnerships is also consistently negative across countries, particularly in contrast to educational gradients in childbearing with the same partner. The risk of childbearing across partnerships increased dramatically in all countries from the 1980s to the 2000s, and educational differences also increased, again, in both liberal and social democratic welfare regimes.