The first peoples of the Atacama Desert lived among the trees: A 11,600- to 11,200-year-old grove and congregation site

In deserts, water has been singled out as the most important factor for choosing where to settle, but trees were likely an important part of the landscape for hunter-gatherers beyond merely constituting an economic resource. Yet, this critical aspect has not been considered archaeologically. Here, we present the results of mapping and radiocarbon dating of a truly unique archaeological record. Over 150 preserved stumps around five Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene archaeological campsites (12,800 to 11,200 cal BP) show that trees were key features in the creation of everyday habitats for the first inhabitants of the Atacama Desert. At two of these sites, QM12 and QM35, the spatial and chronological correlation between trees and hearths reveals that people located their homes under the tree canopy. At residential site QM35, artifact distribution coincides with a grove dated to ~11,600 to 11,200 cal BP. A third residential area (QM32) occurred along the grove margins ~12,000 to 11,200 cal BP. Based on the distinct cultural material of these two camps, we propose that two different groups intermittently shared this rich wetland-grove environment. The tree taxa suggest a preference for the native Schinus molle, a tree scarcely present on the landscape today, over the endemic, nitrogen-fixing Strombocarpa tamarugo, both for toolmaking and firewood and even though the S. tamarugo was locally more abundant. Together with the spatial and chronological coincidence of campsites, hearths, and trees, we propose that people spared the most abundant and resilient species to create their homes, in turn promoting fertility oases amid the Atacama's hyperaridity.

Towards understanding human-environment feedback loops: the Atacama Desert case

The overall trajectory for the human-environment interaction has been punctuated by demographic boom-and-bust cycles, phases of growth/overshooting as well as of expansion/contraction in productivity. Although this pattern has been explained in terms of an interplay between population growth, social upscaling, ecosystem engineering and climate variability, the evoked demographic-resource-complexity mechanisms have not been empirically tested. By integrating proxy data for population sizes, palaeoclimate and internal societal factors into empirical modelling approaches from the population dynamic theory, we evaluated how endogenous (population sizes, warfare and social upscaling) and exogenous (climate) variables module the dynamic in past agrarian societies. We focused on the inland Atacama Desert, where populations developed agriculture activities by engineering arid and semi-arid landscapes during the last 2000 years. Our modelling approach indicates that these populations experienced a boom-and-bust dynamic over the last millennia, which was coupled to structure feedback between population sizes, hydroclimate, social upscaling, warfare and ecosystem engineering. Thus, the human-environment loop appears closely linked with cooperation, competition, limiting resources and the ability of problem-solving. This article is part of the theme issue 'Evolution and sustainability: gathering the strands for an Anthropocene synthesis'.

1000 years of population, warfare, and climate change in pre-Columbian societies of the Central Andes

Different Andean societies underwent processes of expansion and collapse during propitious or adverse climate conditions, resource boost or depletion along with population variations. Previous studies have emphasized that demographic collapses of polities in the Central Andes Area were triggered by warfare and the negative impacts of fluctuating climate (droughts) on crop productivity. Nevertheless, the interactions between climatic variability, demography and warfare have been less thoroughly evaluated. We develop population dynamic models to test feedback relationships between population growth, climate change and warfare in the Central Andes, where considerable regional hydroclimate variations have occurred over a millennium. Through population models, we found out that the rise and demise of social polities in the northern coast of the Central Andes appear to be a consequence of climate change. In contrast, for the highlands of Peru and the Titicaca basin, population models suggest that warfare intensity has a negative effect on population growth rates.

Violence in fishing, hunting, and gathering societies of the Atacama Desert coast: A long-term perspective (10,000 BP-AD 1450)

In this study, we examine the long-term trajectory of violence in societies that inhabited the coast of the Atacama Desert in northern Chile using three lines of evidence: bioarchaeology, geoarchaeology and socio-cultural contexts (rock art, weapons, and settlement patterns). These millennia-old populations adopted a way of life, which they maintained for 10,000 years, based on fishing, hunting, and maritime gathering, complementing this with terrestrial resources. We analyzed 288 adult individuals to search for traumas resulting from interpersonal violence and used strontium isotopes 87Sr/86Sr as a proxy to evaluate whether individuals that showed traces of violence were members of local or non-local groups. Moreover, we evaluated settlement patterns, rock art, and weapons. The results show that the violence was invariant during the 10,000 years in which these groups lived without contact with the western world. During the Formative Period (1000 BC-AD 500), however, the type of violence changed, with a substantial increase in lethality. Finally, during the Late Intermediate Period (AD 1000-1450), violence and lethality remained similar to that of the Formative Period. The chemical signal of Sr shows a low frequency of individuals who were coastal outsiders, suggesting that violence occurred between local groups. Moreover, the presence of weapons and rock art depicting scenes of combat supports the notion that these groups engaged in violence. By contrast, the settlement pattern shows no defensive features. We consider that the absence of centralized political systems could have been a causal factor in explaining violence, together with the fact that these populations were organized in small-scale grouping. Another factor may have been competition for the same resources in the extreme environments of the Atacama Desert. Finally, from the Formative Period onward, we cannot rule out a certain level of conflict between fishers and their close neighbors, the horticulturalists.

Inka Unku: Imperial or provincial? State-local relations

Standardized Inka tunics, or unku, were created under the auspices of the state as symbolic expressions of its expansionist power. To ensure these textiles acquired the status of effective insignias of power and territorial control, the Inka established and imposed technical and stylistic canons for their production (techne) by means of highly-skilled state weavers. In the provinces, social groups that came under imperial rule, local expert weaving agents adopted the conventions of the state and included meaningful symbolic elements of the idiosyncrasies, traditions, and experiential knowledge of the local community (metis). We therefore propose that this was not a unidirectional process and that the Caleta Vitor Inka unku (hereon referred to as the CV unku), presented here, reflects a syncretism promoted by local weavers. In terms of methods, we have developed a decoding tool for the unku, with the aim of distinguishing state from local hallmarks, thereby revealing the syncretic complexity of these iconic tunics. This methodological tool is based on a series of standard analytical parameters and attributes linked to morphological, technological, and stylistic features, which we applied to the CV unku. Unlike others, this unku does come from a looted tomb but was scientifically excavated in a cemetery located in the Caleta Vitor Bay in northern Chile. By deconstructing the CV unku we determined the steps in the chaîne opératoire at which local technical and stylistic elements were incorporated, thus affecting or transforming, in part, its emblematic imperial imagery. This study also marks a step forward in our understanding of a syncretic landscape that combines the state worldview and organized production system (imperial Inka) with craft-production practices that were rooted in provincial and local communities (provincial Inka).

Pre-Columbian cultivation of vegetatively propagated and fruit tree tropical crops in the Atacama Desert

South America is a megadiverse continent that witnessed the domestication, translocation and cultivation of various plant species from seemingly contrasting ecosystems. It was the recipient and supplier of crops brought to and from Mesoamerica (such as maize and cacao, respectively), and Polynesia to where the key staple crop sweet potato was exported. Not every instance of the trans-ecological expansion of cultivated plants (both domesticated and wild), however, resulted in successful farming. Here, we review the transregional circulation and introduction of five food tropical crops originated in the tropical and humid valleys of the eastern Andes—achira, cassava, ahipa, sweet potato, and pacay—to the hyper-arid coastal valleys of the Atacama Desert of northern Chile, where they have been found in early archeological sites. By means of an evaluation of the contexts of their deposition and supported by direct radiocarbon dating, stable isotopes analyses, and starch grain analysis, we evaluate different hypotheses for explaining their introduction and adaptation to the hyper-arid soils of northern Chile, by societal groups that after the introduction of cultigens still retained a strong dependence on marine hunting, gathering and fishing ways of life based on wide variety of marine coast resources. Many of the studied plants were part of a broader package of introduced goods and technological devices and procedures, linked to food, therapeutic medicine, social and ritual purposes that transformed previous hunter-gatherer social, economic, and ideological institutions. Based on archeological data, we discuss some of the possible socio-ecological processes involved in the development of agricultural landscapes including the adoption of tropical crops originated several hundred kilometers away from the Atacama Desert during the Late Holocene.

High- and low-latitude forcings drive Atacama Desert rainfall variations over the past 16,000 years

Late Quaternary precipitation dynamics in the central Andes have been linked to both high- and low-latitude atmospheric teleconnections. We use present-day relationships between fecal pellet diameters from ashy chinchilla rats (Abrocoma cinerea) and mean annual rainfall to reconstruct the timing and magnitude of pluvials (wet episodes) spanning the past 16,000 years in the Atacama Desert based on 81 ¹⁴C-dated A. cinerea paleomiddens. A transient climate simulation shows that pluvials identified at 15.9 to 14.8, 13.0 to 8.6, and 8.1 to 7.6 ka B.P. can be linked to North Atlantic (high-latitude) forcing (e.g., Heinrich Stadial 1, Younger Dryas, and Bond cold events). Holocene pluvials at 5.0 to 4.6, 3.2 to 2.1, and 1.4 to 0.7 ka B.P. are not simulated, implying low-latitude internal variability forcing (i.e., ENSO regime shifts). These results help constrain future central Andean hydroclimatic variability and hold promise for reconstructing past climates from rodent middens in desert ecosystems worldwide.

Genetic studies of various Prosopis species (Leguminosae, Section Algarobia) co-occurring in oases of the Atacama Desert (northern Chile)

In the Atacama Desert from northern Chile (19-24°S), Prosopis (Leguminosae) individuals are restricted to oases that are unevenly distributed and isolated from each other by large stretches of barren landscape constituting an interesting study model as the degree of connectivity between natural populations depends on their dispersal capacity and the barriers imposed by the landscape. Our goal was to assess the genetic diversity and the degree of differentiation among groups of Prosopis individuals of different species from Section Algarobia and putative hybrids (hereafter populations) co-occurring in these isolated oases from the Atacama Desert and determine whether genetic patterns are associated with dispersal barriers. Thirteen populations were sampled from oases located on three hydrographic basins (Pampa del Tamarugal, Rio Loa, and Salar de Atacama; northern, central, and southern basins, respectively). Individuals genotyped by eight SSRs show high levels of genetic diversity (H O = 0.61, A r = 3.5) and low but significant genetic differentiation among populations (F ST = 0.128, F ST-ENA = 0.129, D JOST = 0.238). The AMOVA indicates that most of the variation occurs within individuals (79%) and from the variance among individuals (21%); almost, the same variation can be found between basins and between populations within basins. Differentiation and structure results were not associated with the basins, retrieving up to four genetic clusters and certain admixture in the central populations. Pairwise differentiation comparisons among populations showed inconsistencies considering their distribution throughout the basins. Genetic and geographic distances were significantly correlated at global and within the basins considered (p < .02), but low correlation indices were obtained (r < .37). These results are discussed in relation to the fragmented landscape, considering both natural and non-natural (humans) dispersal agents that may be moving Prosopis in the Atacama Desert.

'White gold' guano fertilizer drove agricultural intensification in the Atacama Desert from AD 1000

The archaeological record shows that large pre-Inca agricultural systems supported settlements for centuries around the ravines and oases of northern Chile's hyperarid Atacama Desert. This raises questions about how such productivity was achieved and sustained, and its social implications. Using isotopic data of well-preserved ancient plant remains from Atacama sites, we show a dramatic increase in crop nitrogen isotope values (δ¹⁵N) from around AD 1000. Maize was most affected, with δ¹⁵N values as high as +30‰, and human bone collagen following a similar trend; moreover, their carbon isotope values (δ¹³C) indicate a considerable increase in the consumption of maize at the same time. We attribute the shift to extremely high δ¹⁵N values-the highest in the world for archaeological plants-to the use of seabird guano to fertilize crops. Guano-'white gold' as it came to be called-thus sustained agricultural intensification, supporting a substantial population in an otherwise extreme environment.

Ecology of the collapse of Rapa Nui society

Collapses of food producer societies are recurrent events in prehistory and have triggered a growing concern for identifying the underlying causes of convergences/divergences across cultures around the world. One of the most studied and used as a paradigmatic case is the population collapse of the Rapa Nui society. Here, we test different hypotheses about it by developing explicit population dynamic models that integrate feedbacks between climatic, demographic and ecological factors that underpinned the socio-cultural trajectory of these people. We evaluate our model outputs against a reconstruction of past population size based on archaeological radiocarbon dates from the island. The resulting estimated demographic declines of the Rapa Nui people are linked to the long-term effects of climate change on the island's carrying capacity and, in turn, on the ‘per-capita food supply’.

A Paleogenomic Reconstruction of the Deep Population History of the Andes

There are many unanswered questions about the population history of the Central and South Central Andes, particularly regarding the impact of large-scale societies, such as the Moche, Wari, Tiwanaku, and Inca. We assembled genome-wide data on 89 individuals dating from ∼9,000-500 years ago (BP), with a particular focus on the period of the rise and fall of state societies. Today's genetic structure began to develop by 5,800 BP, followed by bi-directional gene flow between the North and South Highlands, and between the Highlands and Coast. We detect minimal admixture among neighboring groups between ∼2,000-500 BP, although we do detect cosmopolitanism (people of diverse ancestries living side-by-side) in the heartlands of the Tiwanaku and Inca polities. We also highlight cases of long-range mobility connecting the Andes to Argentina and the Northwest Andes to the Amazon Basin. VIDEO ABSTRACT.

Prehistoric polydactylism: Biological evidence and rock art representation from the Atacama Desert in northern Chile

A review of the bioarchaeological collections from the site Morro de Arica in northern Chile allowed the identification of two cases of human polydactyly. Both cases are from the Chinchorro culture, hunters, fishers, and gatherers with a maritime orientation who inhabited the coast of the Atacama Desert (9000-3400 BP). Additionally, the analyses of 75 rock art sites in the area, from the Formative to Late Intermediate Periods (3000-550 BP), allowed the identification of hands and feet with six digits. Given the bioarchaeological record of polydactyly, it is highly probable that the rock art images were based on real individuals with polydactyly. However, the Sr chemical signal in a juvenile with polydactyly is the same as the Sr chemical signal in the rest of the individuals buried in the same site, proving that all the individuals were born and lived on the coast. We discuss the idea that, although these anomalies could have been the result of genetic mutations, endogamy and exposition to ecotoxic environments could also be at play within the Chinchorro groups.

The pre-Columbian introduction and dispersal of Algarrobo (Prosopis, Section Algarobia) in the Atacama Desert of northern Chile

Archaeological and palaeoecological studies throughout the Americas have documented widespread landscape and environmental transformation during the pre-Columbian era. The highly dynamic Formative (or Neolithic) period in northern Chile (ca. 3700-1550 yr BP) brought about the local establishment of agriculture, introduction of new crops (maize, quinoa, manioc, beans, etc.) along with a major population increase, new emergent villages and technological innovations. Even trees such as the Algarrobos (Prosopis section Algarobia) may have been part of this transformation. Here, we provide evidence that these species were not native to the Atacama Desert of Chile (18-27°S), appearing only in the late Holocene and most likely due to human actions. We assembled a database composed of 41 taxon specific AMS radiocarbon dates from archaeobotanical and palaeoecological records (rodent middens, leaf litter deposits), as well an extensive bibliographical review comprising archaeobotanical, paleoecological, phylogenetic and taxonomic data to evaluate the chronology of introduction and dispersal of these trees. Although Algarrobos could have appeared as early as 4200 yr BP in northernmost Chile, they only became common throughout the Atacama over a thousand years later, during and after the Formative period. Cultural and natural factors likely contributed to its spread and consolidation as a major silvicultural resource.

Ancient mitochondrial DNA provides high-resolution time scale of the peopling of the Americas

The exact timing, route, and process of the initial peopling of the Americas remains uncertain despite much research. Archaeological evidence indicates the presence of humans as far as southern Chile by 14.6 thousand years ago (ka), shortly after the Pleistocene ice sheets blocking access from eastern Beringia began to retreat. Genetic estimates of the timing and route of entry have been constrained by the lack of suitable calibration points and low genetic diversity of Native Americans. We sequenced 92 whole mitochondrial genomes from pre-Columbian South American skeletons dating from 8.6 to 0.5 ka, allowing a detailed, temporally calibrated reconstruction of the peopling of the Americas in a Bayesian coalescent analysis. The data suggest that a small population entered the Americas via a coastal route around 16.0 ka, following previous isolation in eastern Beringia for ~2.4 to 9 thousand years after separation from eastern Siberian populations. Following a rapid movement throughout the Americas, limited gene flow in South America resulted in a marked phylogeographic structure of populations, which persisted through time. All of the ancient mitochondrial lineages detected in this study were absent from modern data sets, suggesting a high extinction rate. To investigate this further, we applied a novel principal components multiple logistic regression test to Bayesian serial coalescent simulations. The analysis supported a scenario in which European colonization caused a substantial loss of pre-Columbian lineages.

[Origins of Changos. Mitochondrial DNA analysis suggests Chinchorro culture fishermen ancestry]

Sophisticated molecular genetics techniques allow the typification and posterior comparison of antique haplogroups and mitochondrial DNA sequences from prehistoric groups with contemporary populations. This adds a chronological dimension to these studies and contributes to have a better knowledge of the genetic composition of the Chilean population. This article gives scientific support, using molecular methodology, to the alleged biological links that joined the descendants of proto historic Chango fishermen from Paposo cove, a place located 15 kilometers north of Taltal, with prehistoric fishermen from Chinchorro culture, that developed in Northern Chile and Southern Peru between 7900 and 4000 A.C.

Impact of empire expansion on household diet: the Inka in Northern Chile's Atacama Desert

The impact of expanding civilization on the health of American indigenous societies has long been studied. Most studies have focused on infections and malnutrition that occurred when less complex societies were incorporated into more complex civilizations. The details of dietary change, however, have rarely been explored. Using the analysis of starch residues recovered from coprolites, here we evaluate the dietary adaptations of indigenous farmers in northern Chile's Atacama Desert during the time that the Inka Empire incorporated these communities into their economic system. This system has been described as "complementarity" because it involves interaction and trade in goods produced at different Andean elevations. We find that as local farming societies adapted to this new asymmetric system, a portion of their labor had to be given up to the Inka elite through a corvée tax system for maize production. In return, the Inka system of complementarity introduced previously rare foods from the Andean highlands into local economies. These changes caused a disruption of traditional communities as they instituted a state-level economic system on local farmers. Combined with previously published infection information for the same populations under Inka rule, the data suggest that there may have been a dual health impact from disruption of nutrition and introduction of crowd disease.

Microevolution in prehistoric Andean populations: Chronologic mtDNA variation in the desert valleys of northern Chile

Archeological evidence suggests that the iconographic and technological developments that took place in the highlands around Lake Titicaca in the Central Andean region had an influence on the cultural elaborations of the human groups in the valleys and the Pacific coast of northern Chile. In a previous communication, we were able to show, by means of a distance analysis, that a craniofacial differentiation accompanied the process of cultural evolution in the valleys (Rothhammer and Santoro [2001] Lat. Am. Antiq. 12:59-66). Recently, numerous South Amerindian mtDNA studies were published, and more accurate molecular techniques to study ancient mtDNA are available. In view of these recent developments, we decided 1) to study chronological changes of ancient mtDNA haplogroup frequencies in the nearby Lluta, Azapa, and Camarones Valleys, 2) to identify microevolutionary forces responsible for such changes, and 3) to compare ancient mtDNA haplogroup frequencies with previous data in order to validate craniometrical results and to reconstruct the biological history of the prehistoric valley groups in the context of their interaction with culturally more developed highland populations. From a total of 97 samples from 83 individuals, 68 samples (61 individuals) yielded amplifications for the fragments that harbor classical mtDNA markers. The haplogroup distribution among the total sample was as follows: 26.2%, haplogroup A; 34.4%, haplogroup B; 14.8%, haplogroup C; 3.3%, haplogroup D; and 21.3%, other haplogroups. Haplogroup B tended to increase, and haplogroup A to decrease during a 3,900-year time interval. The sequence data are congruent with the haplogroup analysis. In fact, the sequencing of hypervariable region I of 30 prehistoric individuals revealed 43 polymorphic sites. Sequence alignment and subsequent phylogenetic tree construction showed two major clusters associated with the most common restriction haplogroups. Individuals belonging to haplogroups C and D tended to cluster together with nonclassical lineages.

External auditory exostosis in prehistoric Chilean populations: a test of the cold water hypothesis

Over one thousand prehistoric crania (n = 1,149) from northern Chile were analyzed to determine if the presence of external auditory exostosis (EAE) was a type of subsistence-induced pathology, a consequence of habitual fishing in the cold water of the Pacific Ocean, rather than genetically determined. To test this occupational hypothesis, the sample was divided according to chronology, type of economy, site elevation, and sex. The crania came from 43 sites, including the coast, lowland valleys (100-2,000 m), and highlands (2,000 to 4,000 m) with a time frame of 7,000 B.C. to the Inca era (1500 A.D.). There was a significant association between EAE, environment, and sex. The coastal inhabitants had the highest prevalence of EAE with 30.7% (103/336), followed by 2.3% (6/24) for the valley people and 0% (0/549) for highlanders. Coastal and valley men were significantly more affected than their female counterparts. Contrary to expectations, there was no significant association between EAE and economy and/or chronology. In the Arica area, the early Chinchorro fishers, without agriculture, had 27.7% (26/94) EAE, the subsequent agro-pastoralists, 42.7% (32/75), and the late Arican agro-pastoral fishers had 35.6% (36/101) EAE. Apparently, with the advent of agriculture, the coastal Arican populations increased their ocean harvests, rather than decreased them, to gain a surplus in order to trade with nonmaritime groups.