Does state-level context matter for individuals' knowledge about abortion, legality and health? Challenging the 'red states v. blue states' hypothesis

County-level political group density, partisan polarization, and individual-level mortality among adults in the United States: A lagged multilevel study

Objective

To investigate the associations between county-level political group density, partisan polarization, and individual-level mortality from all causes and from coronary heart disease (CHD) in the United States.

Methods

Using data from five survey waves (1998-2006) of the General Social Survey-National Death Index dataset and the County Presidential Election Return 2000 dataset, we fit weighted Cox proportional hazards models to estimate the associations between (1) political group density and (2) partisan polarization measured at the county level in 2000 (n = 313 counties) categorized into quartiles with individual-level mortality (n = 14,983 participants) from all causes and CHD, controlling for individual- and county-level factors. Maximum follow-up was from one year after the survey up until 2014. We conducted these analyses using two separate measures based on county-level vote share differences and party affiliation ideological extremes.

Results

In the overall sample, we found no evidence of associations between county-level political group density and individual-level mortality from all causes. There was evidence of a 13% higher risk of dying from heart disease in the highest quartile of county-level polarization (hazards ratio, HR = 1.13; 95% CI = 0.74-1.71). We observed heterogeneity of effects based on individual-level political affiliation. Among those identifying as Democrats, residing in counties with high (vs. low) levels of polarization appeared to be protective against mortality, with an associated 18% lower risk of dying from all causes (HR = 0.82, 95% CI = 0.71-0.94). This association was strongest in areas with the highest concentrations of Democrats.

Conclusions

Among all study participants, political group density and polarization at the county level in 2000 were not linked to individual-level mortality. At the same time, we found that Democratic party affiliation may be protective against the adverse effects of high polarization, particularly in counties with high concentrations of Democrats. Future research should further explore these associations to potentially identify new structural interventions to address political determinants of population health.

Separating Procedure-related Fears From Future Fertility Concerns Among a Cohort Seeking Abortion Information Online

INTRODUCTION

The general public and abortion patients in the United States have misinformation about the risks of infertility associated with abortion, which may influence abortion care-seeking.

METHODS

The Google Ads Abortion Access Study was a national study of people considering abortion and searching online for information. Participants completed baseline and follow-up surveys, providing free text responses to questions about barriers and facilitators to abortion. We conducted an exploratory analysis of the free text responses related to fertility and used thematic analysis to identify concerns raised about links between abortion and future fertility.

RESULTS

Of 864 participants who provided free text responses in the follow-up survey, 32 specifically mentioned fertility. Few expressed fear that complications from the abortion procedure would somehow lead to infertility; rather, most discussed complex and overlapping thoughts about how abortion factored into their reproductive life plans. These included age-related concerns, missing out on their "chance" to have a child, fear of being punished by God with infertility for having an abortion, and conflicting emotions if they had previously been told they were subfecund or infertile.

CONCLUSION

Although previous research has focused on misinformation about the link between abortion and infertility, participants in this study rarely mentioned it as a concern. Researchers and practitioners should be attuned to the distinctions people make between infertility occurring as a result of abortion and other fears they might have about not achieving their future reproductive aspirations, ask questions, and provide counseling accordingly.

State of Confusion: Ohio's Restrictive Abortion Landscape and the Production of Uncertainty in Reproductive Health Care

This study examines an underexplored source of medical uncertainty: the political context of care. Since 2011, Ohio has passed over 16 abortion-restrictive laws. We know little about how this legislation affects reproductive health care outside of abortion clinics. Drawing on focus groups and interviews with genetic counselors and obstetrician-gynecologists, we examine how abortion legislation impacts their work. We find that interpretation and implementation of legislation is not straightforward and varies by institution and region of the state. An ever-changing legislative landscape combined with uneven implementation of restrictions into policy produces uncertainty in reproductive health care. We also found uncertainty about the legal consequences of abortion in restrictive contexts, with obstetrician-gynecologists reporting greater concerns given their proximity to care provision. We argue that uncertainty can result in stricter interpretations of regulations than necessitated by the law, thereby amplifying the impacts of an already restrictive context for abortion care.

People's knowledge of and attitudes toward abortion laws before and after the Dobbs v. Jackson decision

Although media response to the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision was widespread in the United States, the extent to which people were aware of the Mississippi law leading to the decision, the Dobbs v. Jackson case, is unclear, as are the resulting effects of the decision on legal abortion. As such, we examined people's awareness of abortion legality prior to and after the Dobbs v. Jackson decision announcement, as well as the potential implications associated with the decision (i.e. overturning of Roe v. Wade). We also examined people's attitudes toward abortion legality, specifically focusing on 15 weeks' gestation to correspond with the Mississippi law that led to Dobbs v. Jackson. Data were collected across two studies at different times. In Study 1, a 15-minute survey was administered to IPSOS' KnowledgePanel (N = 1014) prior to the decision announcement. A shorter version of that survey was administered to a second sample using NORC's AmeriSpeak Omnibus panel (N = 1002). Nearly half of that sample (42.2%) completed the survey prior to the decision announcement. People were generally unaware of the Mississippi law, the Dobbs v. Jackson case, and implications associated with the decision (e.g. overturning Roe v. Wade). People generally endorsed abortion being legal at 15 weeks or later, but this varied by circumstance. We did not find meaningful effects of the decision announcement on people's knowledge and attitudes. Our findings suggest that the intense response to the decision from the media and people involved in the abortion movement may not represent the general public's reaction.

Perceptions of abortion access across the United States prior to the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization decision: Results from a national survey

CONTEXT

Abortion is common in the United States (US), although access is becoming more difficult for some. In addition to restrictive policies that ban most abortion, limit the number of providers and increase costs, barriers to access also include less supportive cultural climates and stigma related to abortion. Prior to the Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health decision of the United States Supreme Court, research suggested that people generally believed it was easy to access abortion, but this research did not examine the underlying factors that drive these perceptions.

METHODS

In 2019, using data from closed and open-ended survey questions, we examined differences in people's assessment of abortion access within the state they reside and factors that influence those perceptions. We recruited English- and Spanish-speaking US adults (N = 2599) from Qualtrics' national panel using quota-based sampling to participate in a web-based survey. We used multinomial logistic regression to examine predictors of access perceptions across demographic characteristics and thematic analysis to analyze open-ended responses.

RESULTS

Fifty-three percent of participants believed abortion was easy to access in their state. Spanish speakers and participants from legislatively "hostile" states were more likely to perceive access as difficult. Legality-related knowledge and pro-life identity were associated with perceiving abortion access as easy.

CONCLUSIONS

Prior to Dobbs, participants' interpretation of the ease or difficulty of accessing abortion were subjective. Misconceptions about state abortion laws and the prevalence of providers were common, suggesting a need for more education about abortion laws, policies, and access.

Advance provision of medication for induced abortion: A qualitative study of patient perspectives

OBJECTIVES

To examine potential users' perspectives regarding the provision of abortion medications for future use or "advance provision."

STUDY DESIGN

In this qualitative study, we partnered with an independent reproductive health care clinic in Washington State to conduct semistructured, in-depth interviews with 22 individuals who obtained a medication abortion between August 2021 and January 2022. We asked participants their views on advance provision of abortion medications. Interviews were transcribed and deidentified. Inductive content analysis was used to identify major themes.

RESULTS

Participants in our sample generally reacted positively to the idea of abortion medications for future use. Having pills in advance could improve timeliness and convenience of care and decrease the stigma associated with their use. Participants stressed the importance of adequate information regarding medication use, what to expect, and potential side effects. Most concerns about advance provision related to the safety and efficacy of medication abortion.

CONCLUSIONS

This study found that individuals who recently obtained a medication abortion supported the provision of abortion medications for future use.

IMPLICATIONS

Patient-centered educational materials, with adequate information for self-managing pregnancy termination, can be shared at time of prescription. Clinicians have an opportunity to offer these safe and effective medications in advance of need and increase timely access to this essential health care service. User concerns regarding abortion medications for future use should inform clinical innovation and evaluative research of service options.

Alignment of state-level policies and public attitudes towards abortion legality and government restrictions on abortion in the United States

BACKGROUND

Contextual factors can shape public opinion towards abortion. We investigated the association between the state-level abortion legislative climate and individual attitudes towards abortion legality and government restrictions of abortion access in the United States.

METHODS

Data come from the 2020 Cooperative Congressional Election Study (n = 61,000). Using multivariable logistic regression with generalized estimating equations, we explored whether state-level abortion policy climates (based on the Guttmacher Institute's 2020 rating of state abortion policies) were associated with individual attitudes (1) towards abortion legality, and (2) towards government restriction of abortion access, controlling for individual socio-demographic factors.

RESULTS

Eighty-eight percent of participants supported the legality of abortion in some or all circumstances. Conversely, 30% of the sample opposed all federal government restrictions on abortion. More than 60% of the sample lived in highly abortion-restrictive states. Participants living in states with a more supportive abortion legislative climate were more likely to support the legality of abortion in some or all circumstances (AOR = 1.07, (95% CI 1.05, 1.09). Participants in states with more supportive abortion policies were more likely to oppose federal governmental restrictions (AOR = 1.03, 95% CI 1.02, 1.04). Low religiosity, higher educational attainment, and politically liberal views were associated with increased support for abortion legality and increased opposition to government restrictions on abortion.

CONCLUSIONS

State-level abortion policy contexts were positively associated with public attitudes towards abortion. While attitudes towards abortion legality are favorable across the country; there is also strong support at least one type of government restriction on abortion access. Results highlight a disconnect between multifaceted public attitudes towards abortion and polarized state contexts, suggesting that policymaking on abortion represents a higher level of polarization than exists at the individual level. Policymakers and legislators should more carefully consider the desires of the public when designing abortion legislation.

Individual changes in abortion knowledge and attitudes

RATIONALE

Policymakers need to know the abortion attitudes of those they represent. In addition, inaccurate knowledge of or negative attitudes toward abortion may lead to more abortion stigma, which may adversely affect abortion access and women's health.

OBJECTIVE

The first objective was to examine whether individual's abortion knowledge and attitudes changed during 2016-2020 in Delaware and Maryland. The second was to explore whether personally knowing someone who had an abortion in 2020 was associated with knowledge, attitudes, and changes in them from 2016 to 2020.

METHODS

Data were from the Delaware [Maryland] Survey of Women, a probability sample that was self-administered via web and mail (N = 1106). Women aged 18-44 from Delaware and Maryland were followed from 2016/2017 to 2019/2020. Outcomes were each two facets of abortion knowledge (perceived safety and perceived access) and abortion attitudes (acceptability and advocacy self-identification), and changes in these outcomes. The main predictor was whether women personally knew someone who had an abortion. Covariates included state, religiosity, pregnancy history, and sociodemographic factors. We used logistic models with inverse probability weights.

RESULTS

The percentage of respondents who changed between the first and third waves varied: 46% changed their views on safety and accessibility; 21% changed their views on acceptability; and 25% changed their advocacy self-identification. Knowing someone personally who had an abortion was associated with changing toward viewing abortion as very safe and towards pro-choice, and with not changing towards viewing abortion as wrong or identifying as pro-life.

CONCLUSIONS

These findings suggest abortion knowledge and attitudes are not fixed but change over time, and knowing someone who had an abortion or having an abortion oneself was associated with changing toward positive attitudes and accurate knowledge. Sharing one's abortion experience with others one knows may reduce negative attitudes and inaccurate knowledge regarding abortion.

Immigration Politics and Policymaking in the USA (2017-2021): Examining the Effect of Geopolitics on Public Attitude Towards Immigration Policies

Previous attitudinal studies on immigration in the USA largely focus on the predictors of anti-immigration sentiments compared to examining immigration policies. The dearth of scientific enquiry about the latter necessitated the present study. By analyzing individual-level data (n = 1018) obtained from the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI), we assess the effect of geopolitics-red and blue states and other factors on public attitude towards six immigration policies in the USA (2017-2021). Overall, the results indicate a null relationship between geopolitics and public attitude towards immigration policies. Additionally, we observed several sociodemographic factors, such as age, political ideology, party affiliation, and region, influence public attitude towards immigration policies. Based on these results, it is recommended that immigration policies formulated and implemented in the USA must be based on empirical evidence and not sentiments.

Abortion Knowledge Among Advanced Practice Clinicians in Colorado

INTRODUCTION

Our objective was to quantify abortion law and care knowledge among Colorado advanced practice clinicians.

METHODS

We conducted a stratified random survey of advanced practice clinicians, oversampling women's health and rural clinicians. We assessed sample characteristics, positions on abortion legality, and knowledge of abortion law and care. Mean knowledge scores were compared by sample characteristics. Survey responses were compared by provision of pregnancy options counseling and positions on abortion legality. Linear regression models were used to examine knowledge scores.

RESULTS

A total of 513 participants completed the survey; the response rate was 21%. Abortion law knowledge questions (mean score, 1.7/7.0) ranged from 12% (physician-only law) to 45% (parental consent law) correct. For five of seven questions, "I don't know" was the most frequently chosen response. Abortion care knowledge questions (mean score, 2.8/8.0) ranged from 19% (abortion prevalence) to 60% (no elevated risk of breast cancer) correct. For four of eight questions, "I don't know" was the most frequently chosen response. Practicing in all other areas (e.g., family practice) was associated with lower abortion law and care knowledge than practicing in women's health. Providing options counseling was positively associated with abortion knowledge (law, β = 0.44; 95% confidence interval [CI], 0.10-0.78; care, β = 0.52; 95% CI, 0.08-0.95). Compared with participants who believe abortion should be legal in all circumstances, those who believe abortion should be illegal in all circumstances had similar abortion law knowledge (β = -0.03; 95% CI, -0.65 to 0.59), but lower abortion care knowledge (β = -1.85; 95% CI, -2.34 to -1.36).

CONCLUSIONS

Abortion knowledge is low among Colorado advanced practice clinicians and education is needed.

The challenges of providing certainty in the face of wicked problems: Analysing the UK government's handling of the COVID-19 pandemic

Positioning Covid-19 as a wicked problem we analyse the extent that the UK government adhered to the guidelines for dealing with such problems and the extent to which the management of the pandemic exacerbated the crisis. We argue the management of the pandemic saw a continuance of political communication as usual, focusing on emphasising the optimistic rhetoric which underpinned the Brexit narrative and 2019 election campaign which delivered Boris Johnson a majority. The failure to break out of a narrow permanent campaigning mindset which saw the pandemic as a brief interlude during a period when the focus was on delivering Brexit led to public confusion as optimistic claims were proven to be inaccurate and promises unreachable. Johnson's government's attempts to offer certainty despite a situation characterised by volatility, uncertainty, complexity and ambiguity led to numerous U-turns that seriously damaged their credibility while the politicisation of the response led to poor decision making at key points. We therefore highlight the deficiencies of Johnson's strategy and highlight key lessons for communications professionals who navigate an increasingly volatile and uncertain world beset by wicked problems. In particularly we highlight the importance of depoliticising crises, seeking a diverse range of ideas and expertise, developing an empathic leadership style, starting a public conversation that recognises uncertainty and so develop a framework where wicked problems are a feature of public debate. We argue that failure in all of these areas contributed to the UK's poor comparative performance during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Differences in abortion-related knowledge among women involved in the criminal legal system in three US cities

OBJECTIVE

We examined if abortion-related knowledge among women with criminal legal system involvement differed in three U.S. cities in states with varying abortion policies.

STUDY DESIGN

Respondents were self-identified women with criminal legal system involvement. Data come from a cross-sectional baseline survey of 381 women in three U.S. cities: Oakland, California, Kansas City, Kansas/Missouri, and Birmingham, Alabama. The primary outcome, high abortion-related knowledge, was based on a 10-item scale dichotomized into low vs high abortion-related knowledge. We used descriptive statistics, bivariable associations, and logistic regression to assess the association between high abortion-related knowledge, city of residence, and other possible related factors.

RESULTS

Respondents in Kansas City, KS/MO and Birmingham, AL had lower odds of high abortion-related knowledge compared to respondents in Oakland, CA (OR: 0.19, 95% CI: 0.10-0.38 and OR: 0.17, 95% CI: 0.11-0.28, respectively). In adjusted analysis, the association remained after controlling for race/ethnicity, insurance status, and community supervision past year.

CONCLUSIONS

Findings underscore the need for communicating clear and accurate information about abortion care, especially in states where laws and ongoing political challenges make it difficult to access both reliable information and services.

IMPLICATIONS

Efforts to disseminate accurate information regarding abortion care, particularly among marginalized people, should utilize multiple venues in addition to traditional healthcare information sources. Reproductive justice advocates should connect with jails and probation offices to reach people with criminal legal system involvement and foster increased knowledge of reproductive rights and services.

Comparing Website Identification for Crisis Pregnancy Centers and Abortion Clinics

BACKGROUND

Crisis pregnancy centers (CPCs) seeking to dissuade women from abortion often appear in Internet searches for abortion clinics. We aimed to assess whether women can use screenshots from real websites to differentiate between CPCs and abortion clinics.

METHODS

We conducted a cross-sectional, nationally representative online study of English- and Spanish-speaking women aged 18-49 years in the United States. We presented participants with screenshots from five CPCs and five abortion clinic websites and asked if they thought an abortion could be obtained at that center. We scored correct answers based on clinic type. Outcomes included ability to correctly identify CPCs and abortion clinics as well as risk factors for misidentification. The survey also included five questions about common abortion myths and a validated health literacy assessment.

RESULTS

We contacted 2,223 women, of whom 1,057 (48%) completed the survey and 1,044 (47%) were included in the analysis. The median score for correctly identifying CPCs as facilities not performing abortion was 2 out of 5 (Q:1 0, Q:3 4). The median score for correctly identifying abortion clinics as facilities performing abortion was 5 out of 5 (Q:1 3, Q:3 5). Those less likely to endorse abortion myths had higher odds of correctly identifying CPCs (adjusted odds ratio, 2.43; 95% confidence interval, 1.78-3.32). A low health literacy score was associated with decreased odds of correct identification of CPCs (adjusted odds ratio, 0.39; 95% confidence interval, 0.25-0.59).

CONCLUSIONS

Websites of CPCs were more difficult for women to correctly identify than those of abortion clinics. Women with limited knowledge about abortion and low health literacy may be particularly susceptible to misidentification of CPC websites.

Passage of abortion ban and women's accurate understanding of abortion legality

BACKGROUND

Legislative and judicial procedures related to banning abortion after 6 weeks of gestation in Ohio occurred from November 2018 to July 2019. These activities could have increased the belief that abortion has become illegal even though the 6-week abortion ban has never been in effect to date.

OBJECTIVE

We sought to determine the prevalence and correlates of holding the belief that abortion is illegal in Ohio and to evaluate whether this belief increased over the time in which the 6-week abortion ban was introduced, passed twice, and then blocked in Ohio.

STUDY DESIGN

We analyzed data from the first wave of the Ohio Survey of Women, a population-based survey of adult, reproductive-aged Ohioan women conducted from October 2018 to June 2019. During each of the 8 survey months, a median of 240 women (range, 70-761) completed the survey, including the survey question "Based on what you know or have heard, is it legal to get an abortion in your state?" We used multivariable logistic regression to assess the prevalence and correlates of believing that abortion is illegal in the state of Ohio. In addition, we used multinomial logistic regression to evaluate whether this belief increased over the interval during which women completed the survey, which roughly corresponded to the interval marked by legislative and judicial activities surrounding the 6-week abortion ban.

RESULTS

Most of the 2359 participants understood that abortion is legal in the state of Ohio (64.0%) with the remainder believing it to be illegal (9.8%) or being unsure (26.2%). Correlates of believing abortion to be illegal included younger age, lower socioeconomic status, never married or married status, and Black, non-Hispanic race and ethnicity. Being unsure about legality did not change over time; however, the proportion of women who believed that abortion is illegal increased from the first month (4.5%) to the last month (15.9%) of the study period. Each additional study month was associated with a 17% increase in the odds of believing abortion to be illegal, in both unadjusted and adjusted models (odds ratio, 1.17; 95% confidence interval, 1.08-1.27).

CONCLUSION

Attempts to restrict abortion access could contribute to women mistakenly believing that abortion is illegal despite it being unsuccessful.

Attitudes of US adults toward using telemedicine to prescribe medication abortion during COVID-19: A mixed methods study

OBJECTIVES

We explored public opinion about using telemedicine to provide medication abortion during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020. We also investigated the associations between socio-demographic characteristics and support for using telemedicine in this context and explored factors that influenced respondents' attitudes on the topic.

STUDY DESIGN

In a nationally representative, web-based survey of US adults (n = 711), we asked open- and closed-ended questions about using telemedicine to prescribe medication abortion during COVID-19. We used multinomial logistic regression to assess the relationship between socio-demographic characteristics, endorsement of abortion labels, and political affiliation and support for telemedicine in this circumstance. Then, we conducted content and thematic analyses with the open-ended data to explore what influenced respondents' opinions.

RESULTS

Overall, 332 (44%) of respondents supported using telemedicine for medication abortion during the pandemic; 237 (35%) opposed and 138 (21%) were unsure. Respondents who identified as prochoice were more likely to support using telemedicine for abortion during the pandemic than those who identified as prolife were to oppose it in this context (RRR 2.95; 95% CI 1.31-6.64). Via our content and thematic analysis, we identified that concerns about safety, the legitimacy of telemedicine, and the belief that abortion should occur as early in the pregnancy as possible influenced respondents' beliefs about using telemedicine for medication abortion.

CONCLUSIONS

More respondents supported using telemedicine for medication abortion during COVID-19 than opposed it. Among respondents who expressed support, most thought that medication abortion was safe and that telemedicine was equivalent to the in-person provision of care.

IMPLICATIONS

There appears to be support among US adults for the provision of medication abortion via telemedicine during COVID-19. Policymakers may consider public sentiment as well as clinical evidence when considering legislation about abortion.

Prime-time abortion on Grey's Anatomy: What do US viewers learn from fictional portrayals of abortion on television?

CONTEXT

Entertainment television can impact viewers' knowledge, attitudes, and reproductive health behaviors, yet little research has examined the impact of scripted abortion plotlines on viewers' abortion knowledge or social supportiveness for those having abortions. We examined the impact of an abortion storyline from Grey's Anatomy on US-based viewers.

METHOD

We conducted an online survey of likely Grey's Anatomy viewers prior to the episode's airing, assessing abortion ideology, knowledge, and support. After airing, we resurveyed respondents (including both those who had and had not viewed the target episode). We tested three hypotheses: episode exposure would (1) improve abortion knowledge and (2) increase support for medication abortion and decrease support for self-induced abortion, and (3) the effects on knowledge and supportive intention would be moderated by state support for abortion. We used independent samples t tests to examine hypotheses 1 and 2 and PROCESS macro to test the moderated effects (hypothesis 3).

RESULTS

The results of the pretest/posttest analysis indicated that exposure to the episode significantly improved medication abortion knowledge. Increases in medication abortion knowledge were tied to explicit educational dialogue and did not translate into an increase in general abortion knowledge or social supportiveness. Notably, abortion-related state policy significantly moderated the influence of exposure for respondents in states with policies favorable to abortion access.

CONCLUSIONS

These findings suggest that entertainment television can contribute to meaningful increases in viewers' knowledge about abortion, but that the potential for impact of entertainment-education is closely linked to episode content and moderated by state-level abortion policy.

Towards a better understanding of abortion misinformation in the USA: a review of the literature

Roughly 20% of women in the USA will seek an abortion during their lifetimes. As abortion is a medical procedure, individuals seeking abortion services must have access to accurate medical information. Inaccurate information about abortion, known as abortion misinformation, adversely affects knowledge about abortion, and may impair informed decision-making. Abortion misinformation has received limited attention in psychological and health research. This review summarises current findings on abortion misinformation from studies of adults in the USA, examines which forms of misinformation are most common, and assesses prominent sources of abortion misinformation. A narrative, integrative approach was adopted focussing on nine articles. Findings suggest that first, inaccurate beliefs about abortion exist among many samples of US adults, including inaccurate connections between abortion and breast cancer, infertility and negative mental health outcomes. Second, abortion misinformation comes from a variety of informational sources, which may render efforts to prevent it challenging. Summarising and extending knowledge of abortion misinformation may be useful first steps to better understanding this phenomenon and may ultimately aid in reduction of abortion misinformation among individuals living in the USA.

How do women interpret abortion information they find online?

OBJECTIVE

We sought to assess how women interpret the information they find online about the overall safety and risk of infertility associated with abortion and cesarean delivery (CD).

METHODS

We conducted an exploratory, prospective study tracking the internet searches of 100 reproductive-aged individuals who identify as women. We directed participants to search for information about either (1) whether surgical abortion or CD is safe or (2) the risk of infertility following surgical abortion or CD. Our data collection had 3 phases: baseline survey, directed internet search, and a postsearch survey. We analyzed participants' pre- and postsurvey responses using bivariate tests and analyzed within-subject changes. We evaluated the sites they visited based on expert ratings of site content based on trustworthiness and slant.

RESULTS

Women perceived abortion as safer and less likely to cause infertility after their web searches than before (70% perceived abortion in the United States as very/completely safe presearch vs 92% postsearch; p < 0.02). Women's perceptions about CD did not change. Participants sought information from web pages that experts largely deemed trustworthy and lacking in slant.

CONCLUSIONS

Women's perceptions about abortion safety and risk can be influenced by information they find online; perceptions about CD safety and risk may be less influenced by online information.

IMPLICATIONS

Disseminating high quality, user-friendly abortion information on highly ranked and easily findable websites can help women find evidence-based information and influence knowledge about abortion.

Women's knowledge of their state's abortion regulations. A national survey

Objectives

States vary significantly in their regulation of abortion. Misinformation about abortion is pervasive and propagated by state-mandated scripts that contain abortion myths. We sought to investigate women’s knowledge of abortion laws in their state. Our secondary objective was to describe women’s ability to discern myths about abortion from facts about abortion.

Study design

This was a cross-sectional study of English- and Spanish-speaking women aged 18–49 in the United States. We enrolled members of the GfK KnowledgePanel, a probability-based, nationally-representative online sample. Our primary outcome was the proportion of correct answers to 12 questions about laws regulating abortion in a respondent’s state. We asked five questions about common abortion myths. We used descriptive statistics to characterize performance on these measures and bivariate and multivariate modeling to identify risk factors for poor knowledge of state abortion laws.

Results

Of 2223 women contacted, 1057 (48%) completed the survey. The mean proportion of correct answers to 12 law questions was 18% (95% CI 17–20%). For three of five assessed myths, women endorsed myths about abortion over facts. Those who believe abortion should be illegal (aOR 2.18, CI 1.40–3.37), and those living in states with neutral or hostile state policies toward abortion (neutral aOR 1.99, CI 1.34–2.97; hostile aOR 1.6, CI 1.07–2.36) were at increased odds of poor law knowledge.

Conclusions

Women had low levels of knowledge about state abortion laws and commonly endorse abortion myths. Women’s knowledge of their state’s abortion laws was associated with personal views about abortion and their state policy environment.

Implications

Supporters of reproductive rights can use these results to show policy makers that their constituents are unlikely to know about laws being passed that may profoundly affect them. These findings underscore the potential benefit in correcting widely-held, medically-inaccurate beliefs about abortion so opinions about laws can be based on fact.

Hangers, Potions, and Pills: Abortion Procedures on American Television, 2008 to 2018

BACKGROUND

Television portrayals of medical procedures may contribute to patient anxieties and cultural myths. We explored how television depicts abortion procedures, focusing on what these portrayals communicate about abortion access and safety.

METHODS

Researchers identified all abortion procedure plotlines on American television from 2008 to 2018 through Internet searches. We viewed plotlines and coded for type of abortion, health outcome, and whether the abortion occurred on or off screen. We used inductive content analysis to identify themes.

FINDINGS

We identified 96 television plotlines between 2008 and 2018 in which a character obtains or discloses an abortion. Of these, 39 plotlines (40%) depict some aspect of the abortion procedure. Twenty-three of the 39 abortion portrayals (59%) depict a surgical abortion procedure, of which about one-half were legal abortions and one-half were illegal. Only 7 of the 39 procedure plotlines (18%) portray medication abortions. Five of these plotlines depict illegal abortions; only two depict legal abortions. Four plotlines depict attempted abortions by supernatural means or ingestion of a toxic liquid.

CONCLUSION

The majority of abortions on television are surgical, contrasting with the reality of abortion practice in which one-third of U.S. abortions are by medication. Portrayals of surgical abortion often reinforce the misperception that abortion is a surgical intervention requiring hospitalization. The few portrayals of medication abortion also perpetuate inaccuracies, including that it is easily accessible, uncommon, and dangerous. Portrayals of illegal abortions are overrepresented. This misinformation may seed unnecessary fear for patients before an abortion, and may create confusion among the public about abortion access and safety.

Interpreting the Truth: How People Make Sense of New Information about Abortion

INTRODUCTION

In July 2015, the antiabortion Center for Medical Progress released a covertly filmed video of a Planned Parenthood official discussing the dispensation of postabortion remains for research, a practice the general public was not familiar with. Research shows that people use preexisting frameworks (such as support for or opposition to abortion rights) to make sense of new information. We examine the presence and use of abortion-related movement heuristics, language, and framing in the lay public's engagement with this video and their response to it.

METHODS

Using modified grounded theory, we analyzed user comments on five online news articles about the video, drawn from sources representing different segments of the spectrum of support for abortion rights, to serve as a proxy for the public conversation.

RESULTS

Commenters used language and framing consistent with the abortion rights and antiabortion social movements to debate basic information about this practice (i.e., the language of "fetal tissue" vs "baby parts" and whether the abortion provider profited from the exchange). Discussion of the abortion provider's casual demeanor, however, did not always use movement language and association consistently, with some commenters demonstrating inconsistency between their support for abortion and response to the video.

CONCLUSIONS

Online commenters largely used language consistent with the contemporary abortion movements' ideological frames in their engagement about the video. The presence of this language suggests that people may draw on existing frameworks about abortion when they engage with abortion-related information, which could have implications for efforts to address abortion misinformation.

Support for and interest in alternative models of medication abortion provision among a national probability sample of U.S. women

OBJECTIVE

The objective was to assess women's personal interest in and support for three alternative models of medication abortion (MA) provision.

STUDY DESIGN

Using an online survey of a U.S. national, probability-based representative sample of women ages 18-49, we gauged personal interest in and general support for three alternative models for accessing abortion pills: (1) in advance from a doctor for future use, (2) over-the-counter (OTC) from a drugstore and (3) online without a prescription. We conducted multivariable analyses to identify characteristics associated with support for these provision models.

RESULTS

Fifty percent (n=7022) of eligible women invited completed the survey. Nearly half (49%) supported and 30% were personally interested in one or more of the three access models; 44% supported advance provision, 37% supported OTC access, and 29% supported online access. Common advantages reported for advance provision, OTC and online access included privacy (49%, 29% and 46%, respectively), convenience (38%, 44% and 38%) and being able to end the pregnancy earlier (48%, 40% and 29%). Common disadvantages included concern that women might take the pills incorrectly (55%, 53% and 57%), not seeing a clinician before the abortion (52%, 54% and 53%) and safety (42%, 43% and 60%). History of abortion and experiencing barriers accessing reproductive health services were associated with greater support for the alternative models.

CONCLUSION

Women are interested in and support alternative models of MA provision, in particular, advance provision. However, they also reported concerns about incorrect pill use and not seeing a clinician beforehand.

IMPLICATIONS

Offering women more choices in how they access medication abortion, including options where they can safely self-manage their own care, has the potential to expand access to care.

Abortion Knowledge and Attitudes Among Psychologists and Graduate Students

Abortion is often misunderstood and steeped in misinformation. Laypeople and medical professionals tend to have limited abortion knowledge. Among the public, individuals who hold accurate information about abortion are more likely to endorse pro-choice attitudes than individuals who are misinformed. We explored knowledge of, and attitudes toward, abortion among 142 psychologists and graduate students. Participants responded accurately, on average, to 68% of the items on a true–false measure of abortion knowledge. In addition, participants with higher levels of accurate knowledge were more likely to endorse pro-choice attitudes. Participants were especially likely to incorrectly answer items related to the prevalence, availability, and current legality of abortion in the United States. Analyzing qualitative interviews with a subset of 13 participants, we generated four themes related to knowledge and attitudes about abortion: Assuming Proficiency Despite Minimal Training, Pursuing Outside Knowledge and Training, Framing Abortion Around Identities, and Perceiving and Experiencing Consequences from Abortion Attitudes. Implications for training are delineated.

Abortion-related emergency department visits in the United States: An analysis of a national emergency department sample

BACKGROUND

Media depictions and laws passed in state legislatures regulating abortion suggest abortion-related medical emergencies are common. An accurate understanding of abortion-related emergencies is important for informing policy and practice. We assessed the incidence of abortion-related emergency department (ED) visits in the United States (U.S.).

METHODS

We used a retrospective observational study design using 2009-2013 data from the Nationwide Emergency Department Sample, a nationally representative sample of U.S. ED visits from 947 to 964 hospitals across the U.S. per year. All ED visits among women of reproductive age (15-49) were included. We categorized ED visits by abortion relatedness and treatments received, and assessed whether the visit was for a major incident (defined as requiring blood transfusion, surgery, or overnight inpatient stay). We estimated the proportion of visits that were abortion-related and described the characteristics of patients making these visits, the diagnoses and subsequent treatments received by these patients, the sociodemographic and hospital characteristics associated with the incidents and observation care only (defined as receiving no treatments), and the rate of major incidents for all abortion patients in the U.S.

RESULTS

Among all ED visits by women aged 15-49 (189,480,685), 0.01% (n = 27,941) were abortion-related. Of these visits, 51% (95% confidence interval, 95% CI 49.3-51.9%) of the women received observation care only. A total of 20% (95% CI 19.3-21.3%) of abortion-related ED visits were for major incidents. One-fifth (22%, 95% CI 20.9-23.0%) of abortion-related visits resulted in admission to the same hospital for abortion-related reasons. Of the visits, 1.4% (n = 390, 95% CI 1.1-1.7%) were potentially due to attempts at self-induced abortion. In multivariable models, women using Medicaid (adjusted odds ratio, AOR 1.28, 95% CI 1.08-1.52) and women with a comorbid condition (AORs 2.47-4.63) had higher odds of having a major incident than women using private insurance and those without comorbid conditions. During the study period, 0.11% of all abortions in the U.S. resulted in major incidents as seen in EDs.

CONCLUSIONS

Abortion-related ED visits comprise a small proportion of women's ED visits. Many abortion-related ED visits may not be indicated or could have been managed at a less costly level of care. Given the low rate of major incidents, perceptions that abortion is unsafe are not based on evidence.

A cross-cultural exploration of abortion fund patients in the USA and the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and the Isle of Man

This paper details results of a study examining administrative case data from 2010-2015 from abortion funds serving the USA and the Republic of Ireland, Northern Ireland and the Isle of Man. Driven by the available data, the researchers compared organisational characteristics, patient characteristics, procedural costs, patient resources and the ratio between patient resources and procedural costs. Independent t-tests were conducted to assess whether differences in characteristics, costs or resources were significant. The number of patients serviced by abortion funds across the two datasets increased yearly from 2010-2015. While patients in the USA had more resources, on average, to contribute to their abortion procedure, Irish, Northern Irish and Manx patients had the resources to pay for a greater percentage of their costs, on average, which was mainly attributable to the differences in gestational age of those helped by the different abortion funds. Patients across all nations were similar in terms of their marital status, average age and number of existing children. Patients across these countries face expensive procedures and a lack of resources that are bridged in part by abortion fund assistance.

"The stakes are so high": interviews with progressive journalists reporting on abortion

OBJECTIVES

Because news frames can influence public and policy agendas, proponents of abortion access should be concerned with how this issue is covered in the news. While previous research has examined the content of news on abortion, this analysis explores the process of newsmaking on abortion, examining how journalists understand their role in and experience of covering abortion.

STUDY DESIGN

We recruited journalists with experience reporting on abortion through listservs for progressive and feminist reporters. Thirty-one participants, with experiences at 75 diverse media outlets, completed in-depth, open-ended interviews. We used grounded theory to code interview transcripts in Dedoose to identity emergent themes.

RESULTS

Journalists described many challenges that applied to reporting generally, but that they perceived to be more difficult around abortion: grappling with the meaning of "neutrality" on this issue, finding new angles for articles, and handling editors with varying knowledge of abortion. Over one-third (n=13) of participants mentioned feeling that the stakes were higher around abortion: this urgency and polarization left journalists frustrated by efforts to find new sources or angles on abortion stories. Finally, over 80% (n=28) of participants reported experiencing anti-abortion harassment as a result of their abortion work.

CONCLUSIONS

The difficulties journalists described when reporting on abortion were often rooted in abortion stigma and the political polarization around the issue. This pattern was true even for reporters who worked to counter abortion stigma through their reporting.

IMPLICATIONS

Advocates interested in accurate, destigmatizing news frames might work pro-actively to educate editors and increase reporters' access to providers, patients, and advocates.

"I was close to death!": abortion and medical risk on American television, 2005-2016

OBJECTIVES

To examine the portrayal of complications and long-term health consequences associated with abortion on television, recognizing the impact that fictional stories can have on public beliefs about abortion's safety.

STUDY DESIGN

Using a systematic online search, we identified all instances of abortion on US television from 2005 to 2016. We qualitatively coded these plotlines to identify any occurrences of complications, interventions or long-term health consequences associated with abortion care, with 95% intercoder reliability. We calculated the frequencies and rates of these occurrences in Microsoft Excel.

RESULTS

Our search identified 80 abortion plot lines. A percentage of 37.5 of characters who obtained an abortion experienced complications, interventions and/or negative health consequences. This rate contrasts with the 2.1% of real patients who experience complications or require intervention as a result of their abortions. Most onscreen complications were major events (e.g., hemorrhage), as opposed to real women, whose complications are mostly minor. Major medical interventions (e.g., hysterectomy) were similarly overportrayed, while the most commonly used interventions for real patients (e.g., medication) were not depicted at all. Finally, 22.5% of characters faced a long-term adverse health consequence, including mental illness, infertility or death. The onscreen abortion mortality rate was 5%, about 7000 times the actual mortality rate.

CONCLUSIONS

Overall, television dramatically exaggerates the risk associated with abortion procedures, overportraying medical complications - particularly major and life-threatening complications - and long-term adverse health consequences. This pattern of misrepresentation may be partially attributable to the occurrence of stories about illegal abortions or abortions taking place outside of modern medical contexts.

IMPLICATIONS

Onscreen abortion portrayals may contribute to inaccurate beliefs about abortion's risk that are common among the public, broadly, and abortion patients, specifically. Abortion advocates and providers will be more equipped to respond misinformation if they understand how and to what extent our popular culture portrays abortion as unsafe.

Depicting abortion access on American television, 2005–2015

Despite an increasing number of restrictions on accessing abortion care in the United States, most Americans remain unaware of challenges to obtaining abortion. Theorists of abortion stigma have posited that entertainment media contribute to ongoing lack of knowledge about abortion care. Analyzing all plotlines that aired on American television between 2005 and 2015 in which abortion is considered (n = 89), we examine how access to abortion is portrayed, whether characters are able to surmount barriers, and what documented real-life challenges to access are missing from onscreen representations. We find that 42% show at least one barrier to accessing abortion care, most frequently illegality, cost of the procedure, and social stigma. Almost no barriers—including illegality—are insurmountable, and most are easily overcome for the characters seeking abortion. Some barriers, however, change how abortion is understood by a character such that she opts to continue the pregnancy. This underrepresentation of the difficulty of obtaining abortion care may contribute to public beliefs that abortion restrictions do not pose real challenges for women’s access to abortion.

State-Mandated (Mis)Information and Women's Endorsement of Common Abortion Myths

PURPOSE

The extent that state-mandated informed consent scripts affect women's knowledge about abortion is unknown. We examine women's endorsement of common abortion myths before and after receiving state-mandated information that included accurate and inaccurate statements about abortion.

METHODS

In Utah, women presenting for an abortion information visit completed baseline surveys (n = 494) and follow-up interviews 3 weeks later (n = 309). Women answered five items about abortion risks, indicating which of two statements was closer to the truth (as established by prior research) or responding "don't know." We developed a continuous myth endorsement scale (range, 0-1) and, using multivariable regression models, examined predictors of myth endorsement at baseline and change in myth endorsement from baseline to follow-up.

RESULTS

At baseline, many women reported not knowing about abortion risks (range, 36%-70% across myths). Women who were younger, non-White, and had previously given birth but not had a prior abortion reported higher myth endorsement at baseline. Overall, myth endorsement decreased after the information visit (0.37-0.31; p < .001). However, endorsement of the myth that was included in the state script-describing inaccurate risks of depression and anxiety-increased at follow-up (0.47-0.52; p < .05).

CONCLUSIONS

Lack of knowledge about the effects of abortion is common. Knowledge of information that was accurately presented or not referenced in state-mandated scripts increased. In contrast, inaccurate information was associated with decreases in women's knowledge about abortion, violating accepted principles of informed consent. State policies that require or result in the provision of inaccurate information should be reconsidered.

Measuring decisional certainty among women seeking abortion

OBJECTIVE

Evaluating decisional certainty is an important component of medical care, including preabortion care. However, minimal research has examined how to measure certainty with reliability and validity among women seeking abortion. We examine whether the Decisional Conflict Scale (DCS), a measure widely used in other health specialties and considered the gold standard for measuring this construct, and the Taft-Baker Scale (TBS), a measure developed by abortion counselors, are valid and reliable for use with women seeking abortion and predict the decision to continue the pregnancy.

METHODS

Eligible women at four family planning facilities in Utah completed baseline demographic surveys and scales before their abortion information visit and follow-up interviews 3 weeks later. For each scale, we calculated mean scores and explored factors associated with high uncertainty. We evaluated internal reliability using Cronbach's alpha and assessed predictive validity by examining whether higher scale scores, indicative of decisional uncertainty or conflict, were associated with still being pregnant at follow-up.

RESULTS

Five hundred women completed baseline surveys; two-thirds (63%) completed follow-up, at which time 11% were still pregnant. Mean scores on the DCS (15.5/100) and TBS (12.4/100) indicated low uncertainty, with acceptable reliability (α=.93 and .72, respectively). Higher scores on each scale were significantly and positively associated with still being pregnant at follow-up in both unadjusted and adjusted analyses.

CONCLUSION

The DCS and TBS demonstrate acceptable reliability and validity among women seeking abortion care. Comparing scores on the DCS in this population to other studies of decision making suggests that the level of uncertainty in abortion decision making is comparable to or lower than other health decisions.

IMPLICATIONS

The high levels of decisional certainty found in this study challenge the narrative that abortion decision making is exceptional compared to other healthcare decisions and requires additional protection such as laws mandating waiting periods, counseling and ultrasound viewing.

After After Tiller: the impact of a documentary film on understandings of third-trimester abortion

Onscreen pseudo-experiences have been shown to influence public perceptions of contested social issues. However, research has not considered whether such experiences have limits in their influence and/or vary in their impact. Using the case of third-trimester abortion, an issue subject to high amounts of misinformation, low public support and low occurrence in the general population, we investigate how the pseudo-experience of viewing After Tiller, a documentary film showing stories of third-trimester abortion, providers and patients, might serve as a counterpoint to misinformation and myth. We interviewed 49 viewers to assess how viewing the film interacted with viewers' previously held understandings of later abortion. Participants reported that viewing made them feel more knowledgeable about later-abortion patients and providers and increased their support for legal third-trimester abortion access, suggesting the efficacy of this pseudo-experience in changing belief. Nonetheless, respondents' belief systems were not entirely remade and the effects of the film varied, particularly in regards to gatekeeping around the procedure and the reasons why women seek later abortion. Findings show the potential of onscreen pseudo-experiences as a means for social change, but also reveal their limits and varying impacts.