Ideological meaning-making in the aftermath of traumatic loss: Radicalization as meaning

In this qualitative study we explore the concept of ideological meaning-making, with a focus on political radicalization and its relation to the process of meaning-making. Through interviews with 33 individuals who experienced the loss of a close family member in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and subsequently became politically radicalized, four key themes emerged: preliminary decision, zoom out, mission, and radicalized self. Participants initially stabilize their beliefs through a preliminary ideological decision, followed by adopting a broader perspective (zoom out) that encompasses the political context. As the process unfolds, a deep commitment to an ideological cause (mission) emerges, leading to the integration of ideology with self-identity (radicalized self). This study contributes to constructivist theory by providing a nuanced understanding of how ideological radicalization intertwines with the process of meaning-making, offering valuable insights into the complex interplay between individual beliefs, self-identity, and the construction of meaning.

Hope and life satisfaction in Palestinian children victim of military violence: The predictive role of agency, potentially traumatic experiences and symptoms of trauma

BACKGROUND

Children exposed political violence deploy resources to maintain functioning, hope and life satisfaction.

OBJECTIVE

We sought to explore whether or not children promote hope and life satisfaction trough agency, psychological difficulties, potentially traumatic experiences and symptoms in Palestine.

PARTICIPANTS AND SETTING

965 children (494 males and 471 females) in multiple geographical contexts, and areas were involved.

METHODS

We administered the War Child Agency Assessment Scale, Child Hope Scale, Multilevel Students'Life Satisfaction Scale-Bref, the Strength and difficulties scale, the Child Revised Impact of events Scale, and Trauma Checklist, and performed regression analysis; hope and life satisfaction were dependent and agency, strength and difficulties, trauma symptoms and traumatic events independent variables.

RESULTS

Specific forms of agency predicted life satisfaction (β = 0.219; ** p < .01, social agency; β = 0.11; ** p < .01, with agency in education) and hope (β = 0.07; ** p < .05, agency on free movement), while mental difficulties (conduct problems, β = -0.09; ** p < .01; hyperactivity, β = -0.07; ** p < .05; β = -0.15; ** p < .01 with life satisfaction) (conduct problems, β = -0.06; ** p < .05, and difficulties in pro-social behaviour, β = -0.21; ** p < .01 with hope), traumatic events (β = -0.16; ** p < .01, with life satisfaction; β = -0.15; ** p < .01, with hope) and trauma symptoms (β = -0.09; ** p < .05, with hope) were negatively associated with the dependents variables.

CONCLUSIONS

We found a positive role of social, educational, and freedom of movement agentic behaviours in fostering hope and life satisfaction.

Collective identity, social adversity and college student sympathy for violent radicalization

Identity issues have been at the forefront in studies on determinants of youth violent radicalization. Identity uncertainty and identity fusion appear to be associated with quests for meaning, which may find some answers in extremist discourses and radical engagements. This process has been considered to be particularly important for second-generation migrants who have to negotiate multiple identities, sometimes in situations of social adversity. This paper aims to understand the relations between collective identity, social adversity (discrimination and exposure to violence), and sympathy for violent radicalization in College students in Quebec. This mixed-method study consisted of a large online survey conducted at eight colleges in Quebec. Multilevel analysis accounted for the clustered nature of data while generalized additive mixed models were used to study nonlinear relations. Results highlight the complex associations between collective identity and youth sympathy for violent radicalization. They confirm that negative public representations of minority communities may lead to more sympathy for violent radicalization. Although results suggest that strong enough identities can act as protective anchorages for youth, they also indicate that when collective identity becomes too central in personal identity this may accentuate othering processes and legitimize violence toward the out-group. These results have implications for prevention programs. They indicate that improving the public image of minority communities through mainstream media or the social media may increase youth public self-esteem and decrease their sympathy for violent radicalization. They also invite the education field to foster the development of strong plural identities.

Life after armed group involvement in Nepal: A clinical ethnography of psychological well-being of former "child soldiers" over time

Little is known about the longitudinal effects of early age involvement of young people in armed groups and their well-being as they return to strongly affected, politicised communities. Current research and policy are often driven by the assumption of a causal relationship between participation in this war experience and psychological damage. This article explores the role of young people's armed group experience during the Nepal People's War, compared with post-conflict stressors, in shaping intra-psychic impact and distress, and which processes enable well-being and resilient functioning. Findings are reported from an 18-month clinical ethnography of a cohort of 17 Nepalese young subjects, where participant-observation methods were used to explore their daily lives after exiting the armed group and follow-up research conducted six years later. The findings highlighted limited evidence for on-going intra-psychic impact and distress related directly to their armed group experience; when such distress occurred, it appeared to be generated more by the structural violence of their environments. The key constituents determining their well-being included: a sense of closeness through emotional connectedness with their family, ideological proximity with the values of the armed group, closeness in their bond with the community, and the social-emotional-economic capital available to them to navigate the harsh structural constraints of post-conflict life. These data further challenge the prevailing assumption that this war experience inevitably leads to psychological damage, and the article argues that structural violence often plays a predominant role in cases where psychological distress does arise.

Terrorism and post-traumatic stress disorder: a historical review

Terror is a psychological state. Historically, most studies of terrorism focused on its societal purpose and structural consequences rather than mental health effects. That emphasis began to change shortly before the Sept 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. A vast expansion of research into post-traumatic stress disorder accompanied revisions to the classification of mental health disorders. The effect of terrorist incidents on those people now deemed vulnerable, both directly and indirectly, was actively sought. However, a review of more than 400 research articles (mostly published after Sept 11) on the association between terrorism and mental health reached the largely overlooked conclusion that terrorism is not terrorising-at least not in a way that causes a greater than expected frequency of post-traumatic stress disorder than other traumatic events. This conclusion is surprising given the emphasis on the psychological effects of terrorism in political discourse, media commentary, contemporary culture, and academic inquiry. Authorities might prefer to encourage an interpretation of terrorist incidents that highlights fortitude and courage rather than psychological vulnerability.

Coping with trauma and adversity among Palestinians in the Gaza Strip: A qualitative, culture-informed analysis

In this article, we propose that coping is not only an individual property but also a structural feature. Coping shapes what is referred to in social network theory as multiplex networks, which are based on relations with multiple functions, values and meanings. Focus groups with adult Palestinians were held and content analysed. Five main coping strategies were identified: (a) creating cultural and religious meaning; (b) individualism to collectivism; (c) normalization and habituation; (d) belonging, acceptance, expectation and readiness; and (e) social support. Participants also reported culture-specific expressions for indicating psychological distress. Implications for cultural informed clinical work are then discussed.

Effect of abusive supervision on employee’s intention to quit and the neutralizing role of meaningful work in Indian IT organizations

Purpose

Several studies have investigated the harmful effects of abusive supervision on subordinates’ behaviour and performance, including their intention to quit. However, there is a conspicuous dearth of empirical studies testing the deleterious interpersonal relationship, especially in Indian organizations. The purpose of this study is to explore the moderating role of meaningful work as a neutralizer in mitigating the pernicious effect of abusive supervision on subordinates’ turnover intention.

Design/methodology/approach

Data were collected from software professionals working in several Indian IT companies through self-report questionnaires (n = 227), using a time-lagged design on two occasions (span between T1 and T2 was three to four weeks).

Findings

The result confirms that abusive supervision is strongly related to subordinates’ intention to quit. Also, the study finds meaningful work to have a significant moderating effect on the relationship between abusive supervision and intention to quit.

Originality/value

The number of empirical studies exploring the pernicious effect of abusive supervision in Indian organizational context is almost negligible. In addition, the current study is among the few studies that have investigated the moderating effect of meaningful work on the relationship between abusive supervision and intention to quit.

Political Affiliation, Probable PTSD, and Symptoms of Depression in Iraq and Afghanistan Combat Veterans: A Pilot Study

Ideological commitment of military personnel has been associated with mitigating trauma and protecting mental health. This pilot study assessed whether Democratic and Republican political affiliation differentially predicted probable posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and symptoms of depression in 62 male Iraq and Afghanistan combat veterans. The Liberalism-Conservatism Scale, the PTSD Checklist-Military Version (PCL-M), and the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) were assessment measures. Results revealed that Democratic combat veterans had stronger liberal attitudes than Republican combat veterans (r = 0.95). Moreover, of the 50% of the entire sample higher than the cutoff score of 50 on the PCL-M, 84.8% were Democrats compared with 10.3% of Republicans. On the PHQ-9, 46.9% of Democrats compared with 3.7% of Republicans were higher than the cutoff score of 20. These initial results suggest possible mechanisms of action, including differences in shattered world view assumptions, willingness to disclose emotional concerns, and physiological reactions between Democratic and Republican combat veterans.

Differences in Psychoactive Substance Abuse Between Youths Residing in and Outside Conflict Zones as a Function of Level of Religiosity and Political Commitment

The aim of the present study was to examine the effect of the unique characteristics of residing in security and political conflict zones on the willingness to use and on the actual abuse of psychoactive substances. The study focuses on the differences between youths residing in and outside conflict zones in Israel. The present study examines the link between the adolescents' level of psychoactive substance abuse and town size as well as the youths' level of ideological commitment and religiosity. 1032 adolescents aged 14-18 participated in the study. 595 (57%) lived in the nonconflict zones and 437 (43%) in conflict zones. The findings reveal that the level of psychoactive substance abuse among youths residing in conflict zones is significantly lower than that found among youths living outside conflict zones. Moreover, although town size and level of religiosity are linked to psychoactive substance abuse, no such link was found with the level of ideological commitment or place of residence (within or outside conflict zones). The study findings underscore the important effect of social supervision and perceived norms in the adolescents' environment with regard to their willingness to use psychoactive substances and to their actual abuse of such substances.

Psychological Aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: A Systematic Review

Despite ongoing local and international peace efforts, the Jews, Arabs, and other residents of Israel and the Palestinian territories (i.e., the West Bank and Gaza) have endured decades of political, social, and physical upheaval, with periodic eruptions of violence. It has been theorized that the psychological impact of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict extends beyond the bounds of psychiatric disorders such as posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Exposure to the ongoing conflict may lead to changes in the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act; while these changes may not meet the thresholds of PTSD or depression, they nonetheless could have a strong public health impact. It is unclear whether existing studies have found associations between exposure to the conflict and nonclinical psychological outcomes. We conducted a systematic review to synthesize the empirical research on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its psychological consequences. As a whole, the body of literature we reviewed suggests that exposure to regional political conflict and violence may have detrimental effects on psychological well-being and that these effects likely extend beyond the psychiatric disorders and symptoms most commonly studied. We found evidence that exposure to the conflict informs not only the way Israelis and Palestinians think, feel, and act but also their attitudes toward different religious and ethnic groups and their degree of support for peace or war. We also found that Palestinians may be at particularly high risk of experiencing psychological distress as a result of the conflict, though more research is needed to determine the extent to which this is due to socioeconomic stress. Our review suggests the need for more studies on the nonclinical psychological aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict as well as for longitudinal studies on the impact of the conflict on both Israelis and Palestinians.

Developmental and social-ecological perspectives on children, political violence, and armed conflict

An increasing number of researchers and policymakers have been moved to study and intervene in the lives of children affected by violent conflicts (Masten, 2014). According to a United Nations Children's Fund (2009) report, over 1 billion children under the age of 18 are growing up in regions where acts of political violence and armed conflict are, as Ladds and Cairns (1996, p. 15) put it, "a common occurrence-a fact of life." In recent years, the United Nations Children's Fund, advocacy and human rights groups, journalists, and researchers have drawn public attention to the high rates of child casualties in these regions, and to the plights of those children still caught in the crossfire. It has thus become clear that both the challenges and the stakes are higher than ever to promote the safety and well-being of affected children around the world (Masten & Narayan, 2012; Tol, Jordans, Kohrt, Betancourt, & Komproe, 2012).

Exposure to Violence and Children's Desensitization Attitudes in Lebanon

Children exposed to multiple sources of violence may become desensitized, increasing the possibility of them imitating the aggressive behaviors they watch and considering such behavior as normal. The purpose of this article is to assess the association between exposure to various types of violence (including war) and desensitization in Lebanese children. A cross-sectional design with 207 school-aged children assessed exposure to violence using three surveys: (a) violence in the media (the Media Preference survey), (b) exposure to violence (the KID-SAVE survey), and (c) desensitization attitudes (the Attitude Toward Violence-Child Version). Children were between 8 and 12 years old, 56% were males, and 70%were from middle socioeconomic status (SES) backgrounds. Seventy-six percent of children reported being exposed to violence, with more exposure in males and in the lower SES group. Impact, however, was greater on girls. The predictors of attitude toward violence were "Frequency" of exposure, "Impact" of exposure, and the amount of violence viewed on television. Children are massively exposed to violence in Lebanon resulting in desensitization, which may habituate them to accept violence as normal and put them at risk for imitating violent behaviors.

Four Different Meanings of "Being Poor"

This article focuses on human construction of meaning and psychological poverty in the context of economic poverty of four different communities: Begumpur—slumdwellers of Patna, India; Simpruk—slumdwellers of Jakarta; homeless poor in U.S.; and, Jews of East Europe. These four communities gave four different reconstructions of their similar situations. The Begumpur population believed that everything in life happens according to a predestined pattern leaving no room for individual effort. For the Simpruk slumdwellers fate determines the possibilities of life and the fulfilment of these depends upon personal effort. The Western slumdwellers with their individualist and materalistic orientation put great emphasis on individual effort and personal success. Their failure in this context gives rise to a combination of guilt, resignation, inferiority feelings and hatred towards authorities. The East European Jews are more pragmatic in their orientation. They face the challenges of everyday living through a practical tradition of skills in trade and economy and a literary tradition of transcendental reconstructions. This most successful reconstruction of their poverty situation provides them with long term coping benefits.

Bereavement Responses among Palestinian Widows, Daughters and Sons Following the Hebron Massacre

In February 1994, an Israeli settler shot Muslim worshippers at the Ibrahime Mosque at Hebron, West Bank. Fifty-three people were killed, and 200 injured. The Derogatis Symptom Checklist-Revised (SCL-90-R), a 90-item 5-point self-administered discomfort scale was administered to all surviving widows ( n=23), daughters ( n=12), and sons ( n=26). Statistically significant different results occurred in 3 of 9 subscales. Widows scored higher somatization than the daughters, who scored higher than the sons. Daughters scored higher phobia than the widows, who scored higher than the sons. Widows scored higher anxiety than the daughters, who scored higher than the sons. Culturally-and-religiously-proscribed gender and familial roles appear to contribute to the different bereavement response patterns. No respondents sought professional mental health counseling.

Identity, Conflict, and Coexistence

Assuming a cultural psychology approach, this study examines the life stories of 30 Israeli and Palestinian adolescent participants in a coexistence program. Prior to participation, youth identity was characterized by polarization in which an ingroup ideology is internalized with little understanding of the outgroup’s ideological perspective. Three identity-related outcomes emerged following participation. Identity transcendence, in which a reduction in salience of ingroup ideology was accompanied by increased recognition of outgroup ideological legitimacy, characterized the most common immediate outcome. Identity accentuation characterized the long-term impact for most youth, whose ideological identifications ultimately conformed to an ingroup identity narrative. Identity conflict occurred among youth who struggled to integrate the experience of coexistence into the life story. Findings suggest (a) the challenges of identity intervention in the context of intractable conflict, and (b) a context-specific theory of identity in which polarized identities contribute to the reproduction and intractability of the conflict across generations.

The Role of Dreams in Protecting Psychological Well-being in Traumatic Conditions

The mental health function of dreaming was studied among Palestinian children and adolescents in a trauma group ( N= 268) and a comparison ( N= 144) group. The subjects were 6- to 15-year-old boys and girls, the mean age being 11.2± 2.64. They used a seven-day dream diary to record the dreams they could recall every morning. The results suggest that compensatory dreams could moderate between trauma and psychological symptoms. Traumatic events were not associated with psychological symptoms among children whose dreams were bizarre, vivid and active, and involved joyful feelings and happy endings. A mediating model suggested that exposure to traumatic events was associated with mundane persecution and unpleasant repetitious dreams. These dysfunctional dreams were, in turn, associated with poor psychological adjustment. The dynamics of mastery and compensation dreams in traumatic conditions are discussed.

Determinants and Effectiveness of Children’s Coping with Political Violence

We examined how age and gender, and the intensity of political violence and stressful events influence children’s coping styles, and the effectiveness of coping. The participants were 185 Palestinian boys and girls of 10-13 years of age. Intensity of political violence was indicated by comparing a group tested before the Intifada ( N = 89) and a group during the Intifada ( N = 96). The results showed that older children used more emotional and cognitive coping, and a wider coping repertoire than younger ones. Boys used more Problem restructuring and behavioural coping than girls, who, for their part, used more emotional coping than boys. The more intensive the political violence was, the more Problem restructuring and the less Active fighting and Hostile confrontation children used. Further, during an intensively violent period of Intifada, children’s coping repertoire was narrow and involved little emotional and cognitive coping modes. Personal exposure to stressful events increased behavioural coping, Active fighting and Problem restructuring, and decreased emotional modes of coping. The effectiveness of coping styles in alleviating psychosocial problems varied according to the intensity of political violence. Problem restructuring, Active fighting, and behavioural coping were effective only during the Intifada, but not before the Intifada.

Children's Affective Reactions and Coping under Threat of Uprooting

This study examines the response of children in the Golan Heights to the ambiguous situation during the continuing peace talks between Israel and Syria concerning a possible evacuation of the region's settlers. The study sample consisted of 218 fourth-grade children who responded to an adaptation of the Bar-Ilan Picture Test for Children (Itskovitz and Strauss, 1982, 1986). The results suggest that social support, defensiveness, religion and living in smaller settlements predicted better coping, whereas less social support and high emotional expressiveness predicted greater anxiety. The implications of these findings for school psychologists are discussed.

Stress reactions and coping strategies among Bedouin Arab adolescents exposed to demolition of houses

The aim of this study was to examine emotional reactions and coping strategies of Bedouin adolescents against the backdrop of house demolitions in the unrecognized Bedouin villages in the Negev, Israel. We compared two groups of adolescents living in unrecognized Bedouin villages, teenagers whose houses had been destroyed (acute + chronic group) and their counterparts whose houses had not been destroyed (chronic group). Data were gathered during October to December 2010 from 465 Bedouin adolescents aged 13-18 years. Adolescents filled out self-report questionnaires, which included demographics, objective and subjective exposure to house demolition, state anxiety, state anger, psychological distress and Adolescent Coping Scale. Results show differences between the two groups in stress reactions as well as in objective exposure to house demolition with the acute + chronic group reporting more stress and more exposure. In addition, different variables explained stress reactions in the different groups. Whereas in the acute + chronic group, objective and subjective exposure were the most significant variables, in the chronic group, the coping strategies explained stress with more variance. Results are discussed in terms of differentiating between types of stress, chronic versus acute + chronic and in relation to the interactionist model of coping with stress.

Experiencing Violence and Enacting Resilience: The Case Story of a Transgender Youth

Research about victimization among sexual minority youth has focused on documenting the prevalence and consequences of such experiences. Lacking in the literature is an in-depth exploration of the social context of both risk and resilience in the face of violence. This is especially true for transgender youth who are largely absent from the dominant discourse. This case story provides an example of how one transgender youth interpreted and adaptively responded to the discrimination and prejudice she encountered. Katie's story illustrates the process of resilience. Despite the adversity she has faced, she shares stories of pride and strength in a culture that considers her as "other."

Social identity and youth aggressive and delinquent behaviors in a context of political violence

The goal of the current study was to examine the moderating role of in-group social identity on relations between youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggressive behaviors. Participants included 770 mother-child dyads living in interfaced neighborhoods of Belfast. Youth answered questions about aggressive and delinquent behaviors as well as the extent to which they targeted their behaviors toward members of the other group. Structural equation modeling results show that youth exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior is linked with increases in both general and sectarian aggression and delinquency over one year. Reflecting the positive and negative effects of social identity, in-group social identity moderated this link, strengthening the relationship between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community and aggression and delinquency towards the out-group. However, social identity weakened the effect for exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior in the community on general aggressive behaviors. Gender differences also emerged; the relation between exposure to sectarian antisocial behavior and sectarian aggression was stronger for boys. The results have implications for understanding the complex role of social identity in inter-group relations for youth in post-accord societies.

Understanding the impact of political violence in childhood: a theoretical review using a social identity approach

The present paper reviews the literature that has assessed the psychological impact of political violence on children. Concern for those growing up in situations of political violence has resulted in two areas of research within psychology: the first considers children as victims of conflict and considers the mental health consequences of political violence. The second considers children as protagonists or aggressors in conflict and considers related moral and attitudinal consequences of exposure to political violence. These two literatures are most often considered separately. Here the two strands of research are brought together using a social identity framework, allowing apparently divergent findings to be integrated into a more coherent understanding of the totality of consequences for children and young people growing up in situations of armed conflict.

Annual Research Review: The experience of youth with political conflict--challenging notions of resilience and encouraging research refinement

AIMS AND METHOD

Drawing on empirical studies and literature reviews, this paper aims to clarify and qualify the relevance of resilience to youth experiencing political conflict. It focuses on the discordance between expectations of widespread dysfunction among conflict-affected youth and a body of empirical evidence that does not confirm these expectations.

FINDINGS

The expectation for widespread dysfunction appears exaggerated, relying as it does on low correlations and on presumptions of universal response to adversity. Such a position ignores cultural differences in understanding and responding to adversity, and in the specific case of political conflict, it does not account for the critical role of ideologies and meaning systems that underlie the political conflict and shape a young people's interpretation of the conflict, and their exposure, participation, and processing of experiences. With respect to empirical evidence, the findings must be viewed as tentative given the primitive nature of research designs: namely, concentration on violence exposure as the primary risk factor, at the expense of recognizing war's impact on the broader ecology of youth's lives, including disruptions to key economic, social, and political resources; priority given to psychopathology in the assessment of youth functioning, rather than holistic assessments that would include social and institutional functioning and fit with cultural and normative expectations and transitions; and heavy reliance on cross-sectional, rather than longitudinal, studies.

CONCLUSIONS

Researchers and practitioners interested in employing resilience as a guiding construct will face such questions: Is resilience predicated on evidence of competent functioning across the breadth of risks associated with political conflict, across most or all domains of functioning, and/or across time? In reality, youth resilience amidst political conflict is likely a complex package of better and poorer functioning that varies over time and in direct relationship to social, economic, and political opportunities. Addressing this complexity will complicate the definition of resilience, but it confronts the ambiguities and limitations of work in cross-cultural contexts.

Exposure to Political Violence and Political Extremism

Exposure to political violence can lead to various political and psychological outcomes. Using the protracted Israeli-Palestinian conflict as a natural laboratory, we explore the way in which exposure to conflict violence leads to changes in citizens’ political attitudes and behavior, offering a model for a stress-based process of political extremism. This model encapsulates three basic components in a causal chain leading to political extremism: exposure to political violence, psychological distress, and enhanced perceptions of threat. We find that prolonged exposure to political violence increases psychological distress, which in turn evokes stronger perceptions of threat that foment political attitudes eschewing compromise and favoring militarism. This causal chain fuels a destructive cycle of violence that is hard to break. Understanding these psychological and political consequences of exposure to political violence can help to shed light on the barriers that too often stymie peacemaking efforts and contribute to the deterioration of intractable conflicts around the globe. Thus, this review offers insights applicable to conflict zones around the world and suggests policy implications for therapeutic intervention and potential pathways to conflict resolution.

Parental practices and political violence: the protective role of parental warmth and authority-control in Jewish and Arab Israeli children

Parental warmth and parental authority-control patterns have been documented as practices with highest significance for children's well-being and development in a variety of life areas. Various forms of these practices have been shown to have a direct positive effect on children and also to protect children from adverse effects of numerous stressors. However, surprisingly, few studies have examined the role of these practices as possible protective factors for children exposed to intractable conflict and political violence. Participants in this study were Jewish (n = 88) and Arab (n = 105) Israeli families, with children aged 7-12.5 (M = 10.73, SD = 0.99). Children completed questionnaires assessing political violence exposure, behavioral, psychological, and social difficulties, and perceived paternal and maternal warmth. Mothers and fathers completed questionnaires assessing parental warmth, parental authority-control, and the child's difficulties. Results showed parental warmth to be a significant moderator of political violence, related to low levels of behavioral and social difficulties of children. Parental authority-control patterns were not protectors from adverse effects of political violence exposure. Maternal authoritarian authority-control showed an effect resembling a risk factor. Differential roles of parental warmth and authority-control, fathers' versus mothers' roles, and ethnic differences are discussed, and practical clinical implications are proposed.

Risk factors for PTSD, anxiety, and depression among adolescents in Gaza

The present study examined among adolescents in Gaza the relationship between exposure to war stressors and psychological distress as well as the effects of age, gender, and socioeconomic status. Data were collected from a sample of 139 adolescents 12 to 17 years old. Results showed that adolescents reported elevated levels of intrusion, avoidance, and depression compared to levels in communities not affected by war in the recent past. The proportion scoring within the clinical range of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) was 56.8% compared to 6.3% in peacetime populations, reflecting a Hedges's g of 1.29 (p < .001). Significant risk factors for PTSD were exposure (β = .377, p < .001), female gender (β = -.257, p < .001), older age (β = .280, p < .01), and an unemployed father (β = -.280, p < .01). Risk factors for anxiety were exposure (β = .304, p < .001), female gender (β = -.125, p < .01), and older age (β = 272, p < .01), whereas female gender (β = <.238, p < .001) was the only significant risk factor for depression. The present study suggests large individual differences in how adolescents are affected by war stressors.

Impact of war, religiosity and ideology on PTSD and psychiatric disorders in adolescents from Gaza Strip and South Lebanon

This study investigated the extent to which differences in the types of war trauma, economic pressure, religiosity and ideology accounted for variation in PTSD and psychiatric disorders among adolescents from Gaza Strip and South Lebanon. Participants were 600 adolescents aged 12-16 years. They were selected from the public school system in the highly war exposed areas. Questionnaires were administered in an interview format with adolescents at school by two trained psychologists. Results indicated that the various types of trauma had differential effects on the psychological status of adolescents in both countries. Economic pressure was more predictive of PTSD and psychological distress in adolescents from Gaza. Differences in religiosity and ideology did not account for similar variation in stress response among adolescents from Gaza and South Lebanon. While higher levels of religiosity evidenced the greatest levels of depression and anxiety in adolescents from Gaza, religiosity had an attenuated effect on adolescents from South Lebanon. Ideology was negatively associated with depression and anxiety in Gaza strip adolescents, whereas it did not play a role for adolescents from South Lebanon. The clinical and research implications of these conclusions are discussed.

'My happiness is the refugee camp, my future Palestine': optimism, life satisfaction and perceived happiness in a group of Palestinian children

BACKGROUND

This study aimed to explore optimism, perceived happiness and life satisfaction in a group of Palestinian children living in urban districts, rural areas and a refugee camp in the West Bank, as well as in a city in Israel.

METHOD

Three self-report instruments were administered to a convenience sample of school-age children (n. 226; 8-12 years old): the Youth Life Orientation Test (YLOT), the Subjective Happiness Scale (SHS) and the Face Scale (FS). The scores were analyzed using anovas and correlation tests (Pearson's r). Gender and age differences were explored.

RESULTS

Optimism, life satisfaction and perceived happiness characterize the entire group of Palestinian children in general. Very little difference was found as a function of gender.

CONCLUSION

Palestinian children seem to enjoy a satisfactory quality of life with regard to optimism, satisfaction and perceived happiness. We hypothesize that these factors may reinforce resilience and positive adjustment to trauma in children. The implications for clinical psychology are discussed.

[How does collective violence shape the health status of its victims? Conceptual model and design of the ISAVIC study]

OBJECTIVES

Epidemiologic research on collective violence (violence exerted by and within groups in pursuit of political, social or economic goals) is very scarce despite its growing recognition as a major public health issue. This paper describes the conceptual model and design of one of the first research studies conducted in Spain aiming to assess the impact of collective violence in the health status of its victims (study known as ISAVIC, based on its Spanish title Impacto en la SAlud de la VIolencia Colectiva).

METHODS

Starting with a comprehensive but non-systematic review of the literature, the authors describe the sequelae likely produced by collective violence and propose a conceptual model to explain the nature of the relationships between collective violence and health status. The conceptual model informed the ISAVIC study design and its measurement instruments.

RESULTS

The possible sequelae of collective violence, in the physical, emotional and social dimensions of health, are described. Also, the review distinguishes the likely impact in primary and secondary victims, as well as the interplay with the social environment. The mixed methodological design of the ISAVIC study supports the coherence of the conceptual model described.

CONCLUSIONS

The ISAVIC study suggests that collective violence may affect the main dimensions of the health status of its victims, in intimate relation to the societal factors where it operates. It is necessary to validate these results with new studies.

Muslim families' understanding of, and reaction to, 'the war on terror'

In multiethnic societies, the consequences of the war on terror (WOT) for Muslim youth are still not well understood and the school's role remains to be defined. This article documents the parent-child transmission of understanding and emotional reaction to the WOT in South Asian Muslim families in Montreal, Canada. For this qualitative study, the researchers interviewed 20 families. Results indicated that the families' emotional reactions and communication about these events were interlinked with family patterns of identity assignation. The majority of parents avoided talking with their children about the WOT and felt that these issues should not be discussed at school. Most children shared their parents' feelings of helplessness and familial patterns of identity assignation. Parents reporting a greater sense of agency displayed less avoidance, had a more complex vision of self and other, and favored the school's role in helping children make sense of these events. These results suggest that school interventions in neighborhoods strained by international tensions should emphasize immigrant parents' empowerment and provide spaces where their children feel comfortable expressing their concerns.

Perceived discrimination and its association with psychological distress among newly arrived immigrants before and after September 11, 2001

OBJECTIVES

We compared the evolution of perception of discrimination from 1998 to 2007 among recent Arab (Muslim and non-Muslim) and Haitian immigrants to Montreal; we also studied the association between perception of discrimination and psychological distress in 1998 and 2007.

METHODS

We conducted this cross-sectional comparative research with 2 samples: one recruited in 1998 (n = 784) and the other in 2007 (n = 432). The samples were randomly extracted from the registry of the Ministry of Immigration and Cultural Communities of Quebec. Psychological distress was measured with the Hopkins Symptom Checklist-25.

RESULTS

The perception of discrimination increased from 1998 to 2007 among the Arab Muslim, Arab non-Muslim, and Haitian groups. Muslim Arabs experienced a significant increase in psychological distress associated with discrimination from 1998 to 2007.

CONCLUSIONS

These results confirm an increase in perception of discrimination and psychological distress among Arab Muslim recent immigrant communities after September 11, 2001, and highlight the importance this context may have for other immigrant groups.

Is ideology a risk factor for PTSD symptom severity among Israeli political evacuees?

To study the role of ideology in situations of extreme stress, a research questionnaire, measuring posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), settlement ideology (the importance of Jewish settlement in Gaza), and type of evacuation was administered to 326 Jewish residents who were evacuated from Gaza settlements by the Israeli government. Forty percent of the participants met the criteria of probable PTSD. Forcibly evicted individuals reported higher levels of settlement ideology and higher levels of PTSD symptom severity compared to voluntarily evacuated individuals. Contrary to previous studies, ideology was found to be positively associated with PTSD symptom severity. The results are explained by the conservation of resources and terror management theories. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Suffering, hope, and entrapment: resilience and cultural values in Afghanistan

A critical health-related issue in war-affected areas is how people make sense of adversity and why they show resilience in a high-risk environment. In Afghanistan, the burden of poor mental health arises in contexts of pervasive poverty, social inequality, and persistent violence. In 2006, we conducted face-to-face interviews with 1011 children (age 11-16) and 1011 adult caregivers, randomly selected in a school-based survey in three northern and central areas. Participants narrated their experiences as part of a systematic health survey, including an open-ended questionnaire on major life stressors and solutions to mitigate them. Responses were analysed using an inductive thematic approach and categorised for quantitative presentation, producing a conceptual model. For adults, the primary concern is repairing their "broken economy," the root of all miseries in social, educational, governance, and health domains. For students, frustrations focus on learning environments as well as poverty, as education is perceived as the gateway to upward social and economic mobility. Hope arises from a sense of moral and social order embodied in the expression of key cultural values: faith, family unity, service, effort, morals, and honour. These values form the bedrock of resilience, drive social aspirations, and underpin self-respect and dignity. However, economic impediments, social expectations, and cultural dictates also combine to create entrapment, as the ability to realise personal and social aspirations is frustrated by structural inequalities injurious to health and wellbeing. This study contributes to a small but growing body of work on resilience in public health and conflict settings. It demonstrates that culture functions both as an anchor for resilience and an anvil of pain, and highlights the relevance of ethnographic work in identifying what matters most in formulating social and public health policies to promote a hopeful future.